CCS Bibliography

@incollection{lauener_what_2023,
	series = {New {Horizons} in {European} {Politics} series},
	title = {What drives elite opinions on {European} integration? {Examining} the territorial dimension},
	isbn = {978 1 80220 804 7},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.4337/9781802208054.00014},
	abstract = {Scholarly work on Euroscepticism suggests that elite preferences originate from ideology. In this chapter, we additionally focus on the role played by the territorial dimension to explain elite scepticism towards two salient issues: the free movement of persons (FMP) and EU membership. More specifically, we study the explanatory power of the share of cross-border commuters at the municipal level, language region affiliation, and the combined effect of these two factors. The analysis of elite opinions draws on data from the Candidate Survey of the 2019 Swiss Election Study (Selects). We find that Italian-speaking candidates are more Eurosceptic than German-speaking candidates. In addition, the positive effect that the Italian-speaking language region exerts on scepticism towards the FMP is greater the larger the share of cross-border commuters in a candidate's municipality. Finally, candidates from nationalist-populist radical right parties prove to be the fiercest Eurosceptics regarding both the FMP and EU membership.},
	language = {English},
	booktitle = {The {Politicisation} of {Cross}-border {Mobilisations} in {Europe}},
	publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing},
	author = {Lauener, Lukas and Bernhard, Laurent},
	year = {2023},
	pages = {96--118},
}

Scholarly work on Euroscepticism suggests that elite preferences originate from ideology. In this chapter, we additionally focus on the role played by the territorial dimension to explain elite scepticism towards two salient issues: the free movement of persons (FMP) and EU membership. More specifically, we study the explanatory power of the share of cross-border commuters at the municipal level, language region affiliation, and the combined effect of these two factors. The analysis of elite opinions draws on data from the Candidate Survey of the 2019 Swiss Election Study (Selects). We find that Italian-speaking candidates are more Eurosceptic than German-speaking candidates. In addition, the positive effect that the Italian-speaking language region exerts on scepticism towards the FMP is greater the larger the share of cross-border commuters in a candidate's municipality. Finally, candidates from nationalist-populist radical right parties prove to be the fiercest Eurosceptics regarding both the FMP and EU membership.

@incollection{stadelmann-steffen_politische_2023,
	address = {Zürich und Genf},
	title = {Politische {Position} von {Parteibasis} und {Parteiführung} der ökologischen {Parteien} {GPS} und {GLP}},
	booktitle = {Die {Grünen} in der {Schweiz}. {Entwicklung} – {Wirken} – {Perspektiven}},
	publisher = {Seismo},
	author = {Stadelmann-Steffen, Isabelle and Ingold, Karin},
	year = {2023},
	pages = {59--74},
}

@article{pamies_differential_2023,
	title = {Differential {Candidate} {Selection} in {Multilevel} {States}: {An} {Analysis} of {Inclusiveness} and {Centralisation}  {Levels} in {Spain}},
	volume = {182},
	url = {https://reis.cis.es/REIS/jsp/REIS.jsp?opcion=articulo&ktitulo=3179&autor=},
	urldate = {2023-03-31},
	journal = {Revista Española de Investigaciones Sociológicas},
	author = {Pamies, Carles},
	year = {2023},
	pages = {95--118},
}

@article{pamies_choosing_2023,
	title = {Choosing among the chosen? {Electoral} lists and party primaries in {Europe}},
	volume = {0},
	issn = {1478-2804},
	shorttitle = {Choosing among the chosen?},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2023.2195619},
	doi = {10.1080/14782804.2023.2195619},
	abstract = {Primaries are becoming the preferred mechanism to select parliamentary elites in an increasing number of parties across Europe. Recent literature has shown that certain party-level characteristics favour the implementation of this inclusive method of selection. However, despite its great relevance in party life, the impact of the electoral system has not attracted enough attention. In this article we wonder if the type of electoral list (blocked or not blocked) has an effect on how participative the method of candidate selection is. We expect primaries to be more popular where electoral lists are blocked, as an intermediate mechanism for the electorate to influence an otherwise leadership-driven process of candidate selection. However, the results of a survey of 2,561 candidates from 37 parties show that this expectation is not met, as primaries seem to be more common precisely in non-blocked lists systems, with this effect being especially visible among right-wing parties. These findings suggest that the type of list might play a key role in this important aspect of internal party life.},
	number = {0},
	urldate = {2023-03-31},
	journal = {Journal of Contemporary European Studies},
	author = {Pamies, Carles and Cordero, Guillermo},
	month = mar,
	year = {2023},
	note = {Publisher: Routledge
\_eprint: https://doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2023.2195619},
	keywords = {Candidate selection, MPs, blocked lists, electoral system, party age, party ideology},
	pages = {1--14},
}

Primaries are becoming the preferred mechanism to select parliamentary elites in an increasing number of parties across Europe. Recent literature has shown that certain party-level characteristics favour the implementation of this inclusive method of selection. However, despite its great relevance in party life, the impact of the electoral system has not attracted enough attention. In this article we wonder if the type of electoral list (blocked or not blocked) has an effect on how participative the method of candidate selection is. We expect primaries to be more popular where electoral lists are blocked, as an intermediate mechanism for the electorate to influence an otherwise leadership-driven process of candidate selection. However, the results of a survey of 2,561 candidates from 37 parties show that this expectation is not met, as primaries seem to be more common precisely in non-blocked lists systems, with this effect being especially visible among right-wing parties. These findings suggest that the type of list might play a key role in this important aspect of internal party life.

@article{jankowski_how_2023,
	title = {How stable are ‘left’ and ‘right’? {A} morphological analysis using open-ended survey responses of parliamentary candidates},
	volume = {29},
	issn = {1354-0688, 1460-3683},
	shorttitle = {How stable are ‘left’ and ‘right’?},
	url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/13540688211059800},
	doi = {10.1177/13540688211059800},
	abstract = {The left–right scale is widely used to measure ideological orientation. Relying on Freeden's approach to political ideology as a ‘conceptual morphology’, we argue that the meaning of ‘left’ and ‘right’ may change, but these changes are more likely for peripheral than core concepts. To test this argument, we analyze open-ended questions on the meaning of ‘left’ and ‘right’ included in two waves of surveys of German parliamentary candidates collected before and after the 2015 European migration crisis. The empirical results based on Structural Topic Models show that the candidates’ party affiliation colours the connotations of political concepts. In particular, we find that the core concepts ascribed to the meaning of left and right remained stable, while changes occurred with one peripheral concept in particular, namely, ‘Racism’, which is most often ascribed to the term ‘right’. We conclude that morphological analysis can help better understand the concurrency of change and stability in ideological orientations and provides a fruitful linkage between electoral research and political theory.},
	language = {en},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2023-01-09},
	journal = {Party Politics},
	author = {Jankowski, Michael and Schneider, Sebastian H and Tepe, Markus},
	month = jan,
	year = {2023},
	pages = {26--39},
}

The left–right scale is widely used to measure ideological orientation. Relying on Freeden's approach to political ideology as a ‘conceptual morphology’, we argue that the meaning of ‘left’ and ‘right’ may change, but these changes are more likely for peripheral than core concepts. To test this argument, we analyze open-ended questions on the meaning of ‘left’ and ‘right’ included in two waves of surveys of German parliamentary candidates collected before and after the 2015 European migration crisis. The empirical results based on Structural Topic Models show that the candidates’ party affiliation colours the connotations of political concepts. In particular, we find that the core concepts ascribed to the meaning of left and right remained stable, while changes occurred with one peripheral concept in particular, namely, ‘Racism’, which is most often ascribed to the term ‘right’. We conclude that morphological analysis can help better understand the concurrency of change and stability in ideological orientations and provides a fruitful linkage between electoral research and political theory.

@article{tuttnauer_servants_2023,
	title = {Servants of two (or more) masters: {Accounting} for the complexity of intraparty candidate selection methods},
	volume = {29},
	issn = {1354-0688, 1460-3683},
	shorttitle = {Servants of two (or more) masters},
	url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/13540688211060658},
	doi = {10.1177/13540688211060658},
	abstract = {Intraparty candidate selection methods are the drivers of many topics of interest to political scientists. Their operationalization, however, is made complicated because they tend to involve multiple selectorates that differ in their levels of inclusiveness and centralization and that play various roles within the process. This complexity poses a challenge for large- n comparative studies. Drawing on the Political Parties DataBase Round Two to analyze candidate selection methods in 184 parties from 35 democracies, we highlight the inadequacy of the currently available measures to correctly account for this complexity in large- n studies and offer improvements on this front. Specifically, we propose a continuous measure of inclusiveness that better captures the complexity of candidate selection methods and a new measure of complexity to facilitate future analyses into this feature. We recommend that scholars in other cross-national projects consider adopting similar or improved coding strategies in order to better capture these complexities.},
	language = {en},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2023-01-09},
	journal = {Party Politics},
	author = {Tuttnauer, Or and Rahat, Gideon},
	month = jan,
	year = {2023},
	pages = {185--192},
}

Intraparty candidate selection methods are the drivers of many topics of interest to political scientists. Their operationalization, however, is made complicated because they tend to involve multiple selectorates that differ in their levels of inclusiveness and centralization and that play various roles within the process. This complexity poses a challenge for large- n comparative studies. Drawing on the Political Parties DataBase Round Two to analyze candidate selection methods in 184 parties from 35 democracies, we highlight the inadequacy of the currently available measures to correctly account for this complexity in large- n studies and offer improvements on this front. Specifically, we propose a continuous measure of inclusiveness that better captures the complexity of candidate selection methods and a new measure of complexity to facilitate future analyses into this feature. We recommend that scholars in other cross-national projects consider adopting similar or improved coding strategies in order to better capture these complexities.

@article{martin_staying_2022,
	title = {Staying connected: explaining parties’ enduring connections to civil society},
	volume = {45},
	issn = {0140-2382, 1743-9655},
	shorttitle = {Staying connected},
	url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01402382.2021.1986784},
	doi = {10.1080/01402382.2021.1986784},
	abstract = {The connections between political parties and civil society are central to parties’ representative performance. Several explanations exist for cross-party variations in the strength of these connections. However, nobody has compared the explanatory power of rival theories. This article does just that, using a novel dataset covering 149 parties in 29 elections in 14 West European countries. It establishes that elites in parties with government experience and a left-wing ideological orientation have the strongest links to civil society. Parties at the far right are the least connected, in particular those that have no governing experience. Contrary to expectations, however, the study shows that, when controlling for party ideology and governing experience, the level of intra-party democracy and key components of party trajectory, such as party origin and strategy, are not significant in explaining the strength of party-society connections.},
	language = {en},
	number = {7},
	urldate = {2021-11-18},
	journal = {West European Politics},
	author = {Martin, Nick and de Lange, Sarah L. and van der Brug, Wouter},
	year = {2022},
	pages = {1385--1406},
}

The connections between political parties and civil society are central to parties’ representative performance. Several explanations exist for cross-party variations in the strength of these connections. However, nobody has compared the explanatory power of rival theories. This article does just that, using a novel dataset covering 149 parties in 29 elections in 14 West European countries. It establishes that elites in parties with government experience and a left-wing ideological orientation have the strongest links to civil society. Parties at the far right are the least connected, in particular those that have no governing experience. Contrary to expectations, however, the study shows that, when controlling for party ideology and governing experience, the level of intra-party democracy and key components of party trajectory, such as party origin and strategy, are not significant in explaining the strength of party-society connections.

@article{nai_tailored_2022,
	title = {Tailored negativity. {Campaign} consultants, candidate personality, and attack politics},
	volume = {28},
	issn = {1424-7755, 1662-6370},
	url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/spsr.12525},
	doi = {10.1111/spsr.12525},
	abstract = {To what extent are negative election campaigns “tailored” to the personality of the candidates? And with what electoral consequences? In this article we tackle these questions by focusing on the 2019 Swiss federal election. We estimate the presence of negativity as a function of the personality profile of competing candidates (Big Five) and the presence of professional consultants. Analyses based on data from a candidate survey (Selects 2019) suggest that campaign consultants are likely to take stock of the character of their candidate, and tailor the content of their campaigns accordingly - more aggressive for more energetic candidates (higher plasticity) and for less stable candidates (lower stability). These results, we argue, support our central claim that the role of consultants is to provide the most adequate campaign for the candidate they are promoting (“tailoring hypothesis”). We fail however to find any convincing evidence that such tailoring is electorally successful.},
	language = {en},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2022-05-17},
	journal = {Swiss Political Science Review},
	author = {Nai, Alessandro and Tresch, Anke and Maier, Jürgen},
	month = may,
	year = {2022},
	pages = {338--360},
}

To what extent are negative election campaigns “tailored” to the personality of the candidates? And with what electoral consequences? In this article we tackle these questions by focusing on the 2019 Swiss federal election. We estimate the presence of negativity as a function of the personality profile of competing candidates (Big Five) and the presence of professional consultants. Analyses based on data from a candidate survey (Selects 2019) suggest that campaign consultants are likely to take stock of the character of their candidate, and tailor the content of their campaigns accordingly - more aggressive for more energetic candidates (higher plasticity) and for less stable candidates (lower stability). These results, we argue, support our central claim that the role of consultants is to provide the most adequate campaign for the candidate they are promoting (“tailoring hypothesis”). We fail however to find any convincing evidence that such tailoring is electorally successful.

@article{wuest_voter_2022,
	title = {Voter preferences as a source of descriptive (mis)representation by social class},
	volume = {61},
	issn = {0304-4130, 1475-6765},
	url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1475-6765.12511},
	doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12511},
	abstract = {This paper presents the results of a conjoint survey experiment in which Swiss citizens were asked to choose among parliamentary candidates with different class profiles determined by occupation, education and income. Existing survey-experimental literature on this topic suggests that respondents are indifferent to the class profiles of candidates or biased against candidates with high-status occupations and high incomes. We find that respondents are biased against upper middle-class candidates as well as routine working-class candidates. While the bias against upper middle-class candidates is primarily a bias among working-class individuals, the bias against routine working-class candidates is most pronounced among middle-class individuals. Our supplementary analysis of observational data confirms the bias against routine working-class candidates, but not the bias against upper middle-class candidates.},
	language = {en},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2022-12-08},
	journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
	author = {Wüest, Reto and Pontusson, Jonas},
	month = may,
	year = {2022},
	pages = {398--419},
}

This paper presents the results of a conjoint survey experiment in which Swiss citizens were asked to choose among parliamentary candidates with different class profiles determined by occupation, education and income. Existing survey-experimental literature on this topic suggests that respondents are indifferent to the class profiles of candidates or biased against candidates with high-status occupations and high incomes. We find that respondents are biased against upper middle-class candidates as well as routine working-class candidates. While the bias against upper middle-class candidates is primarily a bias among working-class individuals, the bias against routine working-class candidates is most pronounced among middle-class individuals. Our supplementary analysis of observational data confirms the bias against routine working-class candidates, but not the bias against upper middle-class candidates.

@article{tromborg_clarity_2022,
	title = {A {Clarity} {Model} of {District} {Representation}: {District} {Magnitude} and {Pork} {Priorities}},
	volume = {47},
	issn = {0362-9805, 1939-9162},
	shorttitle = {A {Clarity} {Model} of {District} {Representation}},
	url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/lsq.12319},
	doi = {10.1111/lsq.12319},
	abstract = {Carey and Shugart's important personal vote seeking model has long dominated literature on electoral rules and district representation. Empirical support for the model is somewhat mixed, however. We think one reason may be that its applicability depends on the type of district-focused representation. We present an alternative “clarity model,” drawing from Lancaster, that may work better for one specific type of district-targeted representation—pork provision. The clarity model posits district magnitude should be linked to less pork regardless of ballot type because it limits clarity of responsibility for pork outcomes. Legislators not directly responsible for goods and services allocated to the district can still claim credit for them in high magnitude districts. We test this theory with elite survey data on legislators' priorities toward pork provision in 14 Latin American and 10 Western Europe democracies and find empirical support for a clarity theory of pork priorities.},
	language = {en},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2022-12-08},
	journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
	author = {Tromborg, Mathias Wessel and Schwindt‐Bayer, Leslie A.},
	month = feb,
	year = {2022},
	pages = {37--52},
}

Carey and Shugart's important personal vote seeking model has long dominated literature on electoral rules and district representation. Empirical support for the model is somewhat mixed, however. We think one reason may be that its applicability depends on the type of district-focused representation. We present an alternative “clarity model,” drawing from Lancaster, that may work better for one specific type of district-targeted representation—pork provision. The clarity model posits district magnitude should be linked to less pork regardless of ballot type because it limits clarity of responsibility for pork outcomes. Legislators not directly responsible for goods and services allocated to the district can still claim credit for them in high magnitude districts. We test this theory with elite survey data on legislators' priorities toward pork provision in 14 Latin American and 10 Western Europe democracies and find empirical support for a clarity theory of pork priorities.

@article{snagovsky_responsive_2022,
	title = {Responsive to whom? {Political} advising and elected careers in institutionalized democracies},
	issn = {1354-0688, 1460-3683},
	shorttitle = {Responsive to whom?},
	url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/13540688221079299},
	doi = {10.1177/13540688221079299},
	abstract = {Political advising is an increasingly important stepping-stone for a parliamentary career in many advanced democracies. Not only does this trend inform our understanding of political parties and careers, there is reason to think former advisors may have distinct attitudes compared to other types of elected officials. Using elite survey data from 42 elections in 21 countries, this study asks whether former political advisers approach representation differently than candidates with other pre-legislative experience. We find that they do. In particular, former advisors are more willing to prioritize their party’s preferences over their constituents’ preferences, and favor their own convictions over their constituent’s priorities. These findings demonstrate that former advisors have a more party-centric approach to representation, consistent with the “loyal partisan” archetype. The results inform our understanding of an increasingly common pathway to elected office as well as the personalization and professionalization of politics and have important implications for representative democracy.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2022-12-08},
	journal = {Party Politics},
	author = {Snagovsky, Feodor and Taflaga, Marija and Kerby, Matthew},
	month = mar,
	year = {2022},
	pages = {135406882210792},
}

Political advising is an increasingly important stepping-stone for a parliamentary career in many advanced democracies. Not only does this trend inform our understanding of political parties and careers, there is reason to think former advisors may have distinct attitudes compared to other types of elected officials. Using elite survey data from 42 elections in 21 countries, this study asks whether former political advisers approach representation differently than candidates with other pre-legislative experience. We find that they do. In particular, former advisors are more willing to prioritize their party’s preferences over their constituents’ preferences, and favor their own convictions over their constituent’s priorities. These findings demonstrate that former advisors have a more party-centric approach to representation, consistent with the “loyal partisan” archetype. The results inform our understanding of an increasingly common pathway to elected office as well as the personalization and professionalization of politics and have important implications for representative democracy.

@article{martin_holding_2022,
	title = {Holding on to voters in volatile times: {Bonding} voters through party links with civil society},
	volume = {28},
	issn = {1354-0688, 1460-3683},
	shorttitle = {Holding on to voters in volatile times},
	url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1354068820980304},
	doi = {10.1177/1354068820980304},
	abstract = {Political parties are increasingly confronted with electoral volatility. However, the support for some parties is more stable than that of others. Although it has been established that parties’ links to civil society stabilised their electorates in the period until the 1980s, it has not yet been investigated whether such links still fulfil this function in our volatile age. In this paper, we argue that traditional party connections, as well as links to modern day civil society organisations, continue to tie voters to parties. Using a novel dataset covering 149 parties in 29 elections in 14 West European countries, we establish that parties with stronger links to civil society do indeed have a more stable support base. This relationship holds for parties of the left and right. Our results demonstrate that parties’ societal embeddedness continues to play a role in understanding party competition in the 21st century.},
	language = {en},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2022-12-08},
	journal = {Party Politics},
	author = {Martin, Nick and de Lange, Sarah L and van der Brug, Wouter},
	month = mar,
	year = {2022},
	pages = {354--364},
}

Political parties are increasingly confronted with electoral volatility. However, the support for some parties is more stable than that of others. Although it has been established that parties’ links to civil society stabilised their electorates in the period until the 1980s, it has not yet been investigated whether such links still fulfil this function in our volatile age. In this paper, we argue that traditional party connections, as well as links to modern day civil society organisations, continue to tie voters to parties. Using a novel dataset covering 149 parties in 29 elections in 14 West European countries, we establish that parties with stronger links to civil society do indeed have a more stable support base. This relationship holds for parties of the left and right. Our results demonstrate that parties’ societal embeddedness continues to play a role in understanding party competition in the 21st century.

@article{papp_indirect_2022,
	title = {The {Indirect} {Effect} of {Electoral} {Rules} on {Citizens}’ {Satisfaction} with {Democracy}: {A} {Comparative} {Study}},
	volume = {28},
	issn = {1424-7755, 1662-6370},
	shorttitle = {The {Indirect} {Effect} of {Electoral} {Rules} on {Citizens}’ {Satisfaction} with {Democracy}},
	url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/spsr.12497},
	doi = {10.1111/spsr.12497},
	abstract = {The aim of this study is to understand how electoral rules affect citizens’ satisfaction with democracy. The focus is on the extent to which this effect is mediated by the constituency orientation of legislators and the proportionality of election results. The analysis combines data from the European Social Survey and the Comparative Candidates Survey and covers 24 elections from 14 European countries. The multilevel SEM suggests two results. On the one hand, what majority and some mixed-member electoral systems gain through increasing constituency orientation, they lose to disproportional election results. On the other hand, open and flexible lists perform better in increasing satisfaction than closed ballots. Importantly, the analysis reveals a winner-loser gap in how constituency representation and proportionality affect democratic satisfaction. Both are more important for the losers of the elections when they evaluate democratic performance.},
	language = {en},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2023-01-09},
	journal = {Swiss Political Science Review},
	author = {Papp, Zsófia},
	month = mar,
	year = {2022},
	pages = {1--20},
}

The aim of this study is to understand how electoral rules affect citizens’ satisfaction with democracy. The focus is on the extent to which this effect is mediated by the constituency orientation of legislators and the proportionality of election results. The analysis combines data from the European Social Survey and the Comparative Candidates Survey and covers 24 elections from 14 European countries. The multilevel SEM suggests two results. On the one hand, what majority and some mixed-member electoral systems gain through increasing constituency orientation, they lose to disproportional election results. On the other hand, open and flexible lists perform better in increasing satisfaction than closed ballots. Importantly, the analysis reveals a winner-loser gap in how constituency representation and proportionality affect democratic satisfaction. Both are more important for the losers of the elections when they evaluate democratic performance.

@article{rehmert_party_2022,
	title = {Party membership, pre-parliamentary socialization and party cohesion},
	volume = {28},
	issn = {1354-0688, 1460-3683},
	url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/13540688211039088},
	doi = {10.1177/13540688211039088},
	abstract = {Party membership seems to lose relevance for political careers in many established democracies. Increasing numbers of parties are recruiting non-members as candidates. Yet, what are the implications of a lack of long-term party membership for party cohesion? In this paper, I argue that pre-parliamentary party membership is in fact crucial for cohesion. Using data from the Comparative Candidate Survey and voting behavior of ca. 2,000 MPs of the German Bundestag on free votes from 1953 to 2013, I examine the effect of length of previous party membership and the age of joining the party on indicators of party cohesion. Examining free votes allows for credibly controlling alternative explanations of unified voting behavior. Results are in line with expectations generated from social identity theory and underscore the importance of party membership for party cohesion. The paper concludes with a discussion on the findings’ implications in light of recent developments in parties’ candidate recruitment.},
	language = {en},
	number = {6},
	urldate = {2023-01-09},
	journal = {Party Politics},
	author = {Rehmert, Jochen},
	month = nov,
	year = {2022},
	pages = {1081--1093},
}

Party membership seems to lose relevance for political careers in many established democracies. Increasing numbers of parties are recruiting non-members as candidates. Yet, what are the implications of a lack of long-term party membership for party cohesion? In this paper, I argue that pre-parliamentary party membership is in fact crucial for cohesion. Using data from the Comparative Candidate Survey and voting behavior of ca. 2,000 MPs of the German Bundestag on free votes from 1953 to 2013, I examine the effect of length of previous party membership and the age of joining the party on indicators of party cohesion. Examining free votes allows for credibly controlling alternative explanations of unified voting behavior. Results are in line with expectations generated from social identity theory and underscore the importance of party membership for party cohesion. The paper concludes with a discussion on the findings’ implications in light of recent developments in parties’ candidate recruitment.

@article{hahn_voice_2022,
	title = {The {Voice} of the {Absent}? {The} {Link} {Between} {Descriptive} and {Substantive} {Representation} of the {Working} {Class} in {Western} {Europe}},
	issn = {0032-3217, 1467-9248},
	shorttitle = {The {Voice} of the {Absent}?},
	url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/00323217221126668},
	doi = {10.1177/00323217221126668},
	abstract = {Recent research has revealed a considerable representation gap disadvantaging the lower social class in the political process. However, we know little about the underlying mechanisms of this bias or the measures that could compensate for it. Combining cross-national data from a general population survey and an elite-level survey, the present article addresses this knowledge deficit by looking at one potential determinant of working-class underrepresentation: the unequal composition of parliaments. Building on arguments for descriptive representation, I argue that members of the working class experience similar living situations and life chances that form their preferences. Consequently, working-class politicians may be better suited to representing working-class views. The results confirm lower congruence levels between the political elite and working-class citizens. However, class-based preference gaps among politicians are relatively small, and politicians’ social class appears to have a limited impact on compensating for the representational inequality of the working class.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2023-01-09},
	journal = {Political Studies},
	author = {Hahn, Caroline},
	month = oct,
	year = {2022},
	pages = {003232172211266},
}

Recent research has revealed a considerable representation gap disadvantaging the lower social class in the political process. However, we know little about the underlying mechanisms of this bias or the measures that could compensate for it. Combining cross-national data from a general population survey and an elite-level survey, the present article addresses this knowledge deficit by looking at one potential determinant of working-class underrepresentation: the unequal composition of parliaments. Building on arguments for descriptive representation, I argue that members of the working class experience similar living situations and life chances that form their preferences. Consequently, working-class politicians may be better suited to representing working-class views. The results confirm lower congruence levels between the political elite and working-class citizens. However, class-based preference gaps among politicians are relatively small, and politicians’ social class appears to have a limited impact on compensating for the representational inequality of the working class.

@article{ortega_impact_2022,
	title = {The impact of ideological positions and personal attributes of candidates in intraparty competition: {A} study under the {Swiss} open‐list {PR} {System}},
	issn = {1424-7755, 1662-6370},
	shorttitle = {The impact of ideological positions and personal attributes of candidates in intraparty competition},
	url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/spsr.12549},
	doi = {10.1111/spsr.12549},
	abstract = {Intraparty preference voting systems offer different incentives for candidates to cultivate a personal vote, but little is known about how the candidates' policy positions affect their electoral success in intraparty competition. This article analyses the effect of candidates' ideological positions and personal attributes on their preference vote share in the 2015 and 2019 Swiss Lower House elections. We used candidate survey data combined with official election statistics. Our findings demonstrate that the ideological distance between candidates' positions and their party's median position is of minor importance for their electoral success when compared to their personal attributes. However, ideological distance between candidates and their party's median position reduce their preference vote share.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2023-01-09},
	journal = {Swiss Political Science Review},
	author = {Ortega, Carmen and Oñate, Pablo and Martín, Ángel Cazorla},
	month = dec,
	year = {2022},
	pages = {spsr.12549},
}

Intraparty preference voting systems offer different incentives for candidates to cultivate a personal vote, but little is known about how the candidates' policy positions affect their electoral success in intraparty competition. This article analyses the effect of candidates' ideological positions and personal attributes on their preference vote share in the 2015 and 2019 Swiss Lower House elections. We used candidate survey data combined with official election statistics. Our findings demonstrate that the ideological distance between candidates' positions and their party's median position is of minor importance for their electoral success when compared to their personal attributes. However, ideological distance between candidates and their party's median position reduce their preference vote share.

@article{marino_personalization_2022,
	title = {The personalization of party politics in {Western} {Europe} (1985–2016): evidence from an expert survey},
	volume = {57},
	issn = {0001-6810, 1741-1416},
	shorttitle = {The personalization of party politics in {Western} {Europe} (1985–2016)},
	url = {https://link.springer.com/10.1057/s41269-021-00210-x},
	doi = {10.1057/s41269-021-00210-x},
	abstract = {The personalization of politics has been extensively studied from different angles and in different national contexts. Nonetheless, an easily comparable and longitudinal study of the personalization of politics at both the country and the party levels is still missing. In this article, we fill this gap by presenting data from an expert survey on the personalization of politics for around 110 parties and a series of Western European countries from the mid-1980s to the mid-2010s. The dimensions analyzed concern the impact of the personalization of politics in general elections, and also party leaders' room for maneuver in candidate selection, the definition of the party's policy-making agenda, and party leaders’ intra-party control. Different reliability tests confirm the goodness of the data collected. At the same time, first descriptive analyses show that there has not been a homogenous diffusion of this phenomenon in Western Europe, and diverging personalization trends are present for different groups of countries or different dimensions of this phenomenon.},
	language = {en},
	number = {3},
	urldate = {2023-01-09},
	journal = {Acta Politica},
	author = {Marino, Bruno and Martocchia Diodati, Nicola and Verzichelli, Luca},
	month = jul,
	year = {2022},
	pages = {571--596},
}

The personalization of politics has been extensively studied from different angles and in different national contexts. Nonetheless, an easily comparable and longitudinal study of the personalization of politics at both the country and the party levels is still missing. In this article, we fill this gap by presenting data from an expert survey on the personalization of politics for around 110 parties and a series of Western European countries from the mid-1980s to the mid-2010s. The dimensions analyzed concern the impact of the personalization of politics in general elections, and also party leaders' room for maneuver in candidate selection, the definition of the party's policy-making agenda, and party leaders’ intra-party control. Different reliability tests confirm the goodness of the data collected. At the same time, first descriptive analyses show that there has not been a homogenous diffusion of this phenomenon in Western Europe, and diverging personalization trends are present for different groups of countries or different dimensions of this phenomenon.

@article{daubler_millstone_2022,
	title = {Millstone or means to succeed: party-brand value, intra-party competition and personal vote-seeking},
	issn = {1745-7289, 1745-7297},
	shorttitle = {Millstone or means to succeed},
	url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/17457289.2022.2080685},
	doi = {10.1080/17457289.2022.2080685},
	abstract = {Politicians will cultivate their personal vote if electoral rules foster competition within parties. We examine how the value of the party brand in the competition between parties affects how politicians attempt to build up their personal vote. Theoretically, if party valence is low, intra-party crowdedness intensifies, since a given number of candidates must vie for a smaller number of expected seats. In addition to this first mechanism, a poor party brand should generally (under weak assumptions about candidates’ beliefs) encourage less party-oriented and more person-oriented candidate campaigns. Empirically, we examine this argument in the context of the 2011 Irish legislative election. The incumbent Fianna Fáil struggled with its toxic party brand, as it was widely regarded as being responsible for the crash of the Celtic Tiger, whereas Fine Gael consistently led the polls. A content analysis of our own collection of campaign leaflets suggests that, in 2011, Fianna Fáil candidates ran much more personal campaigns than their Fine Gael counterparts, even when adjusting for the level of intra-party competition. For the campaign four years earlier, candidate survey data do not suggest such a difference. These findings suggest that low party valence contributes to personal vote-seeking.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2023-01-09},
	journal = {Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties},
	author = {Däubler, Thomas and Muineacháin, Séin Ó},
	month = jun,
	year = {2022},
	pages = {1--20},
}

Politicians will cultivate their personal vote if electoral rules foster competition within parties. We examine how the value of the party brand in the competition between parties affects how politicians attempt to build up their personal vote. Theoretically, if party valence is low, intra-party crowdedness intensifies, since a given number of candidates must vie for a smaller number of expected seats. In addition to this first mechanism, a poor party brand should generally (under weak assumptions about candidates’ beliefs) encourage less party-oriented and more person-oriented candidate campaigns. Empirically, we examine this argument in the context of the 2011 Irish legislative election. The incumbent Fianna Fáil struggled with its toxic party brand, as it was widely regarded as being responsible for the crash of the Celtic Tiger, whereas Fine Gael consistently led the polls. A content analysis of our own collection of campaign leaflets suggests that, in 2011, Fianna Fáil candidates ran much more personal campaigns than their Fine Gael counterparts, even when adjusting for the level of intra-party competition. For the campaign four years earlier, candidate survey data do not suggest such a difference. These findings suggest that low party valence contributes to personal vote-seeking.

@book{och_sell-outs_2022,
	address = {London},
	edition = {1},
	title = {Sell-{Outs} or {Warriors} for {Change}?: {A} {Comparative} {Look} at {Conservative} {Women} in {Politics} in {Democracies}},
	isbn = {978-1-00-332322-8},
	shorttitle = {Sell-{Outs} or {Warriors} for {Change}?},
	url = {https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/9781003323228},
	abstract = {This book addresses the central question of how right-wing women navigate the cross-pressures between gender identity and political ideology.

The hope has always been that more women in politics would lead to greater inclusion of women’s voices and interests in decision-making and policy. Yet this is not always the case; some prominent conservative women such as Margaret Thatcher have rejected the feminist label while others such as Angela Merkel have reluctantly accepted it. Republican women in the U.S. Congress have embraced social and economic policies contrary to what many consider to be women’s issues while EU Commission president Ursula von der Leyen is a staunch supporter of feminist ideas. Other conservative women, such as Marine LePen in France strategically use feminist ideas to justify their conservative stances on immigration. This brings up an interesting yet understudied question: under what circumstances do conservative women become feminist allies and when do they toe the party line? It is this tension between women’s political representation and conservatism that this edited volume explores.

The chapters in this book, except for Chapter 3, were originally published as a special issue of Journal of Women, Politics \& Policy.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2023-01-09},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	author = {Och, Malliga and Shames, Shauna and Cooperman, Rosalyn},
	month = sep,
	year = {2022},
}

This book addresses the central question of how right-wing women navigate the cross-pressures between gender identity and political ideology. The hope has always been that more women in politics would lead to greater inclusion of women’s voices and interests in decision-making and policy. Yet this is not always the case; some prominent conservative women such as Margaret Thatcher have rejected the feminist label while others such as Angela Merkel have reluctantly accepted it. Republican women in the U.S. Congress have embraced social and economic policies contrary to what many consider to be women’s issues while EU Commission president Ursula von der Leyen is a staunch supporter of feminist ideas. Other conservative women, such as Marine LePen in France strategically use feminist ideas to justify their conservative stances on immigration. This brings up an interesting yet understudied question: under what circumstances do conservative women become feminist allies and when do they toe the party line? It is this tension between women’s political representation and conservatism that this edited volume explores. The chapters in this book, except for Chapter 3, were originally published as a special issue of Journal of Women, Politics & Policy.

@article{siegel_where_2022,
	title = {Where is the party? {Explaining} positions on same-sex marriage in {Europe} among would-be members of parliament},
	volume = {5},
	issn = {2515-1088, 2515-1096},
	shorttitle = {Where is the party?},
	url = {https://bristoluniversitypressdigital.com/view/journals/ejpg/5/1/article-p83.xml},
	doi = {10.1332/251510821X16267702086451},
	abstract = {The rapid adoption of marriage equality legislation for non-heterosexual individuals in Europe is attributed to many factors, including dramatic shifts in public opinion, the work of transnational activists and changing international norms. Usually, these factors must be filtered through the halls of parliaments where most policy change happens. Given the importance of parliamentarians’ attitudes, it is surprising that we know so little about how attitudes towards same-sex marriage are distributed across political candidates in Europe and what factors shape them. This article fills that gap by using an underutilised dataset on the political preferences of candidates for parliamentary office. We find that beyond attachment to party families, a candidate’s religiosity and practice has a greater effect on a would-be Member of Parliament’s attitudes towards same-sex marriage. The findings suggest that the success of parliamentary action on lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender rights depends not on the partisan composition of the legislature, but rather on the representation of secular candidates.},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2023-01-09},
	journal = {European Journal of Politics and Gender},
	author = {Siegel, Scott N. and Turnbull-Dugarte, Stuart J. and Olinger, Brian A.},
	month = feb,
	year = {2022},
	pages = {83--108},
}

The rapid adoption of marriage equality legislation for non-heterosexual individuals in Europe is attributed to many factors, including dramatic shifts in public opinion, the work of transnational activists and changing international norms. Usually, these factors must be filtered through the halls of parliaments where most policy change happens. Given the importance of parliamentarians’ attitudes, it is surprising that we know so little about how attitudes towards same-sex marriage are distributed across political candidates in Europe and what factors shape them. This article fills that gap by using an underutilised dataset on the political preferences of candidates for parliamentary office. We find that beyond attachment to party families, a candidate’s religiosity and practice has a greater effect on a would-be Member of Parliament’s attitudes towards same-sex marriage. The findings suggest that the success of parliamentary action on lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender rights depends not on the partisan composition of the legislature, but rather on the representation of secular candidates.

@book{stockemer_youth_2022,
	address = {Ann Arbor, MI},
	title = {Youth without {Representation}: {The} {Absence} of {Young} {Adults} in {Parliaments}, {Cabinets}, and {Candidacies}},
	isbn = {978-0-472-07517-1},
	shorttitle = {Youth without {Representation}},
	url = {https://www.fulcrum.org/concern/monographs/1c18dj02x},
	abstract = {Officeholders in contemporary parliaments and cabinets are more likely than not to be male, wealthy, middle-aged or older, and from the dominant ethnicity, whereas young adults have an insufficient presence in political office. Young adults—those aged 35 years or under—comprise a mere ten percent of all parliamentarians globally, and three percent of all cabinet members. Compared to their presence in the world’s population, this age group faces an underrepresentation of one to three in parliament and one to ten in cabinet. In this book, Stockemer and Sundström provide a holistic account of youths’ marginalization in legislatures, cabinets, and candidacies for office through a comparative lens. They argue that youths’ underrepresentation in political office constitutes a democratic deficit and provide ample evidence for why they think that youth must be present in politics at much higher rates. They further embed this book within what they label a vicious cycle of political alienation, which involves the declining political sophistication of the young, their waning electoral participation, and their insufficient of representation in office. Empirically, the authors combine a global focus with in-depth studies, discussing the country-level, party-level, and individual-level factors that bar young adults’ entry to positions of political power. This is the first comprehensive book on youth representation and it has relevance for those broadly interested in issues of representation, democracy, inequality, and comparative politics.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2023-01-09},
	publisher = {University of Michigan Press},
	author = {Stockemer, Daniel and Sundstrom, Aksel},
	year = {2022},
}

Officeholders in contemporary parliaments and cabinets are more likely than not to be male, wealthy, middle-aged or older, and from the dominant ethnicity, whereas young adults have an insufficient presence in political office. Young adults—those aged 35 years or under—comprise a mere ten percent of all parliamentarians globally, and three percent of all cabinet members. Compared to their presence in the world’s population, this age group faces an underrepresentation of one to three in parliament and one to ten in cabinet. In this book, Stockemer and Sundström provide a holistic account of youths’ marginalization in legislatures, cabinets, and candidacies for office through a comparative lens. They argue that youths’ underrepresentation in political office constitutes a democratic deficit and provide ample evidence for why they think that youth must be present in politics at much higher rates. They further embed this book within what they label a vicious cycle of political alienation, which involves the declining political sophistication of the young, their waning electoral participation, and their insufficient of representation in office. Empirically, the authors combine a global focus with in-depth studies, discussing the country-level, party-level, and individual-level factors that bar young adults’ entry to positions of political power. This is the first comprehensive book on youth representation and it has relevance for those broadly interested in issues of representation, democracy, inequality, and comparative politics.

@article{ostergaard-nielsen_styles_2022,
	title = {Styles of {Representation} in {Constituencies} in the {Homeland} and {Abroad}: {The} {Case} of {Italy}},
	volume = {75},
	issn = {0031-2290, 1460-2482},
	shorttitle = {Styles of {Representation} in {Constituencies} in the {Homeland} and {Abroad}},
	url = {https://academic.oup.com/pa/article/75/1/195/6010642},
	doi = {10.1093/pa/gsaa063},
	abstract = {The role orientation of political representatives and candidates is a longstanding concern in studies of democratic representation. The growing trend in countries to allow citizens abroad to candidate in homeland elections from afar provides an interesting opportunity for understanding how international mobility and context influences ideas of representation among these emigrant candidates. In public debates, emigrant candidates are often portrayed as delegates of the emigrant constituencies. However, drawing on the paradigmatic case of Italy and an original data set comprising emigrant candidates, we show that the perceptions of styles of representation abroad are more complex. Systemic differences between electoral districts at home and abroad are relevant for explaining why and how candidates develop a trustee or delegate orientation.},
	language = {en},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2023-01-09},
	journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
	author = {Østergaard-Nielsen, Eva and Camatarri, Stefano},
	month = jan,
	year = {2022},
	pages = {195--216},
}

The role orientation of political representatives and candidates is a longstanding concern in studies of democratic representation. The growing trend in countries to allow citizens abroad to candidate in homeland elections from afar provides an interesting opportunity for understanding how international mobility and context influences ideas of representation among these emigrant candidates. In public debates, emigrant candidates are often portrayed as delegates of the emigrant constituencies. However, drawing on the paradigmatic case of Italy and an original data set comprising emigrant candidates, we show that the perceptions of styles of representation abroad are more complex. Systemic differences between electoral districts at home and abroad are relevant for explaining why and how candidates develop a trustee or delegate orientation.

@article{gunther_political_2022,
	title = {Political {Representation} {Gaps} in {Europe}: {Causes} and {Consequences}},
	issn = {1556-5068},
	shorttitle = {Political {Representation} {Gaps} in {Europe}},
	url = {https://www.ssrn.com/abstract=4230288},
	doi = {10.2139/ssrn.4230288},
	abstract = {Do parliaments in representative democracies represent the policy attitudes of their voters? I examine this question using data on the policy attitudes of 2,074 parliamentarians and 31,461 citizens who are representative of 27 European countries. Parliamentarians are much more culturally liberal than voters in nearly all countries, while they tend to be more market-oriented than voters on economic issues. These attitude differences likely translate into deviations of policymaking from voters' attitudes because most parliamentarians state to decide according to their own attitudes. I verify that the actual decisions of parliamentarians deviate from voter attitudes by comparing voters' and parliamentarians' voting decisions in referendums. Lack of representation is associated with distrust in democratic institutions, vote abstention, and the ideological positioning of populist parties, which fill empty policy space. I show how these results help to understand the characteristics and rise of populism. Finally, I build a formal model to explain why voters elect parliaments who do not represent their attitudes.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2023-01-09},
	journal = {SSRN Electronic Journal},
	author = {Günther, Laurenz},
	year = {2022},
}

Do parliaments in representative democracies represent the policy attitudes of their voters? I examine this question using data on the policy attitudes of 2,074 parliamentarians and 31,461 citizens who are representative of 27 European countries. Parliamentarians are much more culturally liberal than voters in nearly all countries, while they tend to be more market-oriented than voters on economic issues. These attitude differences likely translate into deviations of policymaking from voters' attitudes because most parliamentarians state to decide according to their own attitudes. I verify that the actual decisions of parliamentarians deviate from voter attitudes by comparing voters' and parliamentarians' voting decisions in referendums. Lack of representation is associated with distrust in democratic institutions, vote abstention, and the ideological positioning of populist parties, which fill empty policy space. I show how these results help to understand the characteristics and rise of populism. Finally, I build a formal model to explain why voters elect parliaments who do not represent their attitudes.

@article{portmann_what_2022,
	title = {What {Makes} a {Successful} {Candidate}? {Political} {Experience} and {Low}-{Information} {Cues} in {Elections}},
	volume = {84},
	issn = {0022-3816, 1468-2508},
	shorttitle = {What {Makes} a {Successful} {Candidate}?},
	url = {https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/719638},
	doi = {10.1086/719638},
	abstract = {It is well established that politically experienced candidates are electorally more successful than “novices.” However, methodological challenges have prevented scholars from establishing how much of this is attributable to voters who use political experience as a cue to infer competence. Further, information about political experience may decrease the weight voters place on other, less informative cues. In a natural quasi-experiment, I exploit the condition that—in the 2015 Swiss national elections—information about candidates’ political experience on party ballots varied approximately at random. In line with cue-based accounts, I show that political experience is most of an asset if it is mentioned on the ballot. Contrary to expectations, however, these cues do not crowd out group-membership cues such as those based on a candidate’s migration background. The results from two original candidate choice survey experiments, designed to measure causal processes, further corroborate these findings.},
	language = {en},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2023-01-09},
	journal = {The Journal of Politics},
	author = {Portmann, Lea},
	month = oct,
	year = {2022},
	pages = {2049--2063},
}

It is well established that politically experienced candidates are electorally more successful than “novices.” However, methodological challenges have prevented scholars from establishing how much of this is attributable to voters who use political experience as a cue to infer competence. Further, information about political experience may decrease the weight voters place on other, less informative cues. In a natural quasi-experiment, I exploit the condition that—in the 2015 Swiss national elections—information about candidates’ political experience on party ballots varied approximately at random. In line with cue-based accounts, I show that political experience is most of an asset if it is mentioned on the ballot. Contrary to expectations, however, these cues do not crowd out group-membership cues such as those based on a candidate’s migration background. The results from two original candidate choice survey experiments, designed to measure causal processes, further corroborate these findings.

@article{medeiros_unified_2022,
	title = {Unified voters in a divided society: {Ideology} and regionalism in {Belgium}},
	volume = {32},
	issn = {1359-7566, 1743-9434},
	shorttitle = {Unified voters in a divided society},
	url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13597566.2020.1843021},
	doi = {10.1080/13597566.2020.1843021},
	abstract = {In societies divided along ethnocultural lines, intergroup cooperation can often be a challenging task. This process can be even more complex if political parties and voters are divided along those same social cleavages. This study focuses on the case of Belgium and explores whether divided societies with separate party systems necessarily lead to distinct partisan alignments. Using electoral survey data from the 2014 Belgian federal election, we investigate whether political ideology is stronger than ethnolinguistic group membership in shaping electoral behaviour. The results demonstrate that although Belgian voters are divided along linguistic lines when it comes to preferences about centralization, they remain aligned along party families on social and economic dimensions.},
	language = {en},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2023-01-09},
	journal = {Regional \& Federal Studies},
	author = {Medeiros, Mike and Gauvin, Jean-Philippe and Chhim, Chris},
	month = jan,
	year = {2022},
	pages = {53--71},
}

In societies divided along ethnocultural lines, intergroup cooperation can often be a challenging task. This process can be even more complex if political parties and voters are divided along those same social cleavages. This study focuses on the case of Belgium and explores whether divided societies with separate party systems necessarily lead to distinct partisan alignments. Using electoral survey data from the 2014 Belgian federal election, we investigate whether political ideology is stronger than ethnolinguistic group membership in shaping electoral behaviour. The results demonstrate that although Belgian voters are divided along linguistic lines when it comes to preferences about centralization, they remain aligned along party families on social and economic dimensions.

@incollection{pilet_candidate_2022,
	address = {Louvain},
	title = {Candidate selection and leadership selection in {Belgium} : despite intraparty reforms, still prisoners of partitocracy?},
	isbn = {978-2-39061-246-9},
	url = {https://www.i6doc.com/html/WYSIWYGfiles/files/103810-PUL-deprez-Winter-C1-INT-C4.pdf#page=98},
	language = {English},
	booktitle = {The {Winter} on democracy : partitocracy in {Belgium} : liber amicorum {Lieven} {De} {Winter}},
	publisher = {Presses Universitaires de Louvain},
	author = {Pilet, Jean-Benoit and Vandeleene, Audrey and Wauters, Bram},
	year = {2022},
	pages = {95--118},
}

@article{close_party_2022,
	title = {Party organisation and the party-delegate style of representation},
	issn = {1354-0688, 1460-3683},
	url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/13540688221122332},
	doi = {10.1177/13540688221122332},
	abstract = {Politicians perceive their representative role in a variety of ways: as a delegate of their party, a delegate of voters, or a trustee who exercises their mandate independent of any external principal. Existing research finds that the tendency to adopt a specific style of representation depends on system-level institutions and individuals’ political experience and profile. The influence of the party organisational context remains little-understood. This study contributes to filling this gap by examining the effects of parties’ resources and intra-party distribution of power on the prevalence of party-delegates among their candidates. Drawing on data from the Comparative Candidates Survey (CCS) and the Political Party Database (PPDB) we find that party organisation shapes representation in a way that has not previously been demonstrated: parties with more resources and parties in which members have the final say in candidate selection have a higher proportion of party-delegates among their candidates. This demonstrates the centrality of party organisation to representation.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2022-08-31},
	journal = {Party Politics},
	author = {Close, Caroline and Legein, Thomas and Little, Conor},
	month = aug,
	year = {2022},
	pages = {135406882211223},
}

Politicians perceive their representative role in a variety of ways: as a delegate of their party, a delegate of voters, or a trustee who exercises their mandate independent of any external principal. Existing research finds that the tendency to adopt a specific style of representation depends on system-level institutions and individuals’ political experience and profile. The influence of the party organisational context remains little-understood. This study contributes to filling this gap by examining the effects of parties’ resources and intra-party distribution of power on the prevalence of party-delegates among their candidates. Drawing on data from the Comparative Candidates Survey (CCS) and the Political Party Database (PPDB) we find that party organisation shapes representation in a way that has not previously been demonstrated: parties with more resources and parties in which members have the final say in candidate selection have a higher proportion of party-delegates among their candidates. This demonstrates the centrality of party organisation to representation.

@article{kartsounidou_measuring_2022,
	title = {Measuring the impact of candidates’ tweets on their electoral results},
	volume = {0},
	issn = {1933-1681},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2022.2069181},
	doi = {10.1080/19331681.2022.2069181},
	abstract = {As politicians are increasingly using Twitter for campaigning, a question has been raised over its effectiveness in political communication. The aim of this paper is to study the influence of Twitter on candidates’ electoral performance, in the context of the 2019 Greek Parliamentary election. We are particularly interested in candidates’ Twitter activity and visibility. We apply an innovative method of analysis of each candidate’s potential reach, taking into account the followers and the followers of retweeters for each candidate and the number of tweets they were able to see. In this way, we explore whether the visibility of a candidate on Twitter is related to his/her electoral performance. We also control for other factors, such as intra-party competition, previous political experience, candidates’ name recognition, and so on. Findings suggest that among other factors (e.g. previous parliamentary experience), Twitter visibility has a significant positive effect on candidates’ electoral performance, especially when the candidates are already recognizable by the public.},
	number = {0},
	urldate = {2022-05-02},
	journal = {Journal of Information Technology \& Politics},
	author = {Kartsounidou, Evangelia and Papaxanthi, Dimitra and Andreadis, Ioannis},
	month = may,
	year = {2022},
	note = {Publisher: Routledge
\_eprint: https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2022.2069181},
	keywords = {Electoral performance, personalization, political campaign, twitter},
	pages = {1--15},
}

As politicians are increasingly using Twitter for campaigning, a question has been raised over its effectiveness in political communication. The aim of this paper is to study the influence of Twitter on candidates’ electoral performance, in the context of the 2019 Greek Parliamentary election. We are particularly interested in candidates’ Twitter activity and visibility. We apply an innovative method of analysis of each candidate’s potential reach, taking into account the followers and the followers of retweeters for each candidate and the number of tweets they were able to see. In this way, we explore whether the visibility of a candidate on Twitter is related to his/her electoral performance. We also control for other factors, such as intra-party competition, previous political experience, candidates’ name recognition, and so on. Findings suggest that among other factors (e.g. previous parliamentary experience), Twitter visibility has a significant positive effect on candidates’ electoral performance, especially when the candidates are already recognizable by the public.

@article{hemingway_does_2022,
	title = {Does {Class} {Shape} {Legislators}’ {Approach} to {Inequality} and {Economic} {Policy}? {A} {Comparative} {View}},
	volume = {57},
	issn = {0017-257X, 1477-7053},
	shorttitle = {Does {Class} {Shape} {Legislators}’ {Approach} to {Inequality} and {Economic} {Policy}?},
	url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0017257X20000275/type/journal_article},
	doi = {10.1017/gov.2020.27},
	abstract = {Do the class backgrounds of legislators shape their views and actions relating to inequality and economic policy? Building on findings about ‘white-collar government’ in the US, this article examines the relationship between legislators’ class and their attitudes and self-reported behaviour in advanced democracies, drawing on survey data from 15 countries including 73 national and subnational parliaments in Europe and Israel. I find that legislators from business backgrounds are more likely to support income inequality and small government, as well as less likely to consult with labour groups, than those from working-class and other backgrounds. These results are buttressed by analysis of an additional cross-national survey of European legislative candidates’ attitudes, which replicates key findings. Given the skewed class makeup of legislatures in advanced democracies, these findings may be relevant to our understanding of widespread economic and political inequalities that are increasingly salient in many countries.},
	language = {en},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2022-01-12},
	journal = {Government and Opposition},
	author = {Hemingway, Alexander},
	month = jan,
	year = {2022},
	pages = {84--107},
}

Do the class backgrounds of legislators shape their views and actions relating to inequality and economic policy? Building on findings about ‘white-collar government’ in the US, this article examines the relationship between legislators’ class and their attitudes and self-reported behaviour in advanced democracies, drawing on survey data from 15 countries including 73 national and subnational parliaments in Europe and Israel. I find that legislators from business backgrounds are more likely to support income inequality and small government, as well as less likely to consult with labour groups, than those from working-class and other backgrounds. These results are buttressed by analysis of an additional cross-national survey of European legislative candidates’ attitudes, which replicates key findings. Given the skewed class makeup of legislatures in advanced democracies, these findings may be relevant to our understanding of widespread economic and political inequalities that are increasingly salient in many countries.

@article{nai_hardwired_2022,
	title = {Hardwired to attack. {Candidates}’ personality traits and negative campaigning in three {European} countries},
	issn = {0001-6810, 1741-1416},
	url = {https://link.springer.com/10.1057/s41269-021-00222-7},
	doi = {10.1057/s41269-021-00222-7},
	abstract = {A growing body of studies shows that the reasons for competing candidates to “go negative” on their opponents during elections—that is, attacking their opponents instead of promoting their own programs or ideas stem from strategic considerations. Yet, existing research has, at this stage, failed to assess whether candidates’ personality traits also play a role. In this article, we bridge the gap between existing work in political psychology and political communication and study to what extent the personality traits of competing candidates are linked with their use of negative campaigning strategies. We rely on candidate survey data for recent elections in three countries—Germany (2017), Switzerland (2019), and Finland (2019). The data includes self-reported measures for candidates’ “Big Five” personality traits (extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, neuroticism, openness) and the the use of attacks towards their opponents during the campaign. Controlling for the usual suspects driving the use of negative campaigning we show that this latter is associated with low agreeableness and (marginally) with high extraversion and low conscientiousness. The role of personality for the focus of an attack (issue vs. character attacks) is somewhat less clear-cut. All in all, kinder and more stable candidates tend to go less negative; when they do, they tend to stay away from character-based attacks and somehow focus on issues.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2022-01-06},
	journal = {Acta Politica},
	author = {Nai, Alessandro and Tresch, Anke and Maier, Jürgen},
	month = jan,
	year = {2022},
}

A growing body of studies shows that the reasons for competing candidates to “go negative” on their opponents during elections—that is, attacking their opponents instead of promoting their own programs or ideas stem from strategic considerations. Yet, existing research has, at this stage, failed to assess whether candidates’ personality traits also play a role. In this article, we bridge the gap between existing work in political psychology and political communication and study to what extent the personality traits of competing candidates are linked with their use of negative campaigning strategies. We rely on candidate survey data for recent elections in three countries—Germany (2017), Switzerland (2019), and Finland (2019). The data includes self-reported measures for candidates’ “Big Five” personality traits (extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, neuroticism, openness) and the the use of attacks towards their opponents during the campaign. Controlling for the usual suspects driving the use of negative campaigning we show that this latter is associated with low agreeableness and (marginally) with high extraversion and low conscientiousness. The role of personality for the focus of an attack (issue vs. character attacks) is somewhat less clear-cut. All in all, kinder and more stable candidates tend to go less negative; when they do, they tend to stay away from character-based attacks and somehow focus on issues.

@article{reinl_transnational_2021,
	title = {Transnational solidarity among political elites: what determines support for financial redistribution within the {EU} in times of crisis?},
	issn = {1755-7739, 1755-7747},
	shorttitle = {Transnational solidarity among political elites},
	url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/european-political-science-review/article/transnational-solidarity-among-political-elites-what-determines-support-for-financial-redistribution-within-the-eu-in-times-of-crisis/F7A27B4185506D96251EDD7AD8C2D174#article},
	doi = {10.1017/S1755773921000138},
	abstract = {As a consequence of the European Economic Crisis, the European Union (EU) has implanted mechanisms to assist fellow member states facing economic difficulties. Despite an increasing academic interest in public preferences for such intra-EU solidarity measures, research has so far largely ignored individual characteristics that could possibly influence politicians’ views. In this paper, we look at politicians’ preferences for transnational solidarity and argue that these preferences depend on attitudes regarding socioeconomic issues as well as attitudes related to the EU. Moreover, we hypothesize that the relationship is moderated by responsibility attribution and the economic situation in a country. Using survey data of about 4000 politicians running for office in nine EU countries, we find that transnational solidarity is more common for socioeconomically left-wing and pro-EU politicians. Yet, attitudinal differences only cease to matter when the beneficiary state is perceived responsible for the crisis and economic problems at home are low.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2021-06-27},
	journal = {European Political Science Review},
	author = {Reinl, Ann-Kathrin and Giebler, Heiko},
	year = {2021},
	note = {Publisher: Cambridge University Press},
	keywords = {European Union, economic crisis, politicians, solidarity},
	pages = {1--20},
}

As a consequence of the European Economic Crisis, the European Union (EU) has implanted mechanisms to assist fellow member states facing economic difficulties. Despite an increasing academic interest in public preferences for such intra-EU solidarity measures, research has so far largely ignored individual characteristics that could possibly influence politicians’ views. In this paper, we look at politicians’ preferences for transnational solidarity and argue that these preferences depend on attitudes regarding socioeconomic issues as well as attitudes related to the EU. Moreover, we hypothesize that the relationship is moderated by responsibility attribution and the economic situation in a country. Using survey data of about 4000 politicians running for office in nine EU countries, we find that transnational solidarity is more common for socioeconomically left-wing and pro-EU politicians. Yet, attitudinal differences only cease to matter when the beneficiary state is perceived responsible for the crisis and economic problems at home are low.

@article{sampugnaro_search_2021,
	title = {In {Search} of the {Americanization}: {Candidates} and {Political} {Campaigns} in {European} {General} {Election}},
	volume = {20},
	issn = {1537-7857, 1537-7865},
	shorttitle = {In {Search} of the {Americanization}},
	url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/15377857.2020.1869832},
	doi = {10.1080/15377857.2020.1869832},
	abstract = {The digital platform has deeply changed the electoral campaigns, producing a consequent evolution of political consulting. Social networks have become the mainstream media so that the digital strategist and the big data analysts have achieved a special place in the “war room,” next to the campaign director and the pollster. In 2012, Obama’s election has marked the entrance in the “Fast Politics”: resulting, on one hand, in 24 hours news, a large amount of auto-generated contents produced by the voters through digital media, fragmentation, instantaneous transmission of messages and, on the other hand, a reduction of the attention threshold. Once again, similarly to the past, the evolution of the media (2.0) ends up changing the nature of election campaigns and political consulting request. What happens in Europe? The objective is to carry out a comparative analysis on the professionalization of candidates’ electoral staff. We wanted to verify if the American model has been imported in Europe with special focus on the techniques and the style of election campaigns management. In particular, within a comparative approach among the European states, the study analyzed the usage of political consulting and the degree of “digitalization” during last general elections: an ancillary practice or, on the contrary, a new tool for consensus? The comparative analysis among European states exploited the data provided by Comparative Candidates Survey (CCS 2013) and constructed synthetic indexes on the professionalization and digitization campaigns, conducting a quantitative and qualitative analysis.},
	language = {en},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2021-10-18},
	journal = {Journal of Political Marketing},
	author = {Sampugnaro, Rossana and Montemagno, Francesca},
	month = jan,
	year = {2021},
	pages = {34--49},
}

The digital platform has deeply changed the electoral campaigns, producing a consequent evolution of political consulting. Social networks have become the mainstream media so that the digital strategist and the big data analysts have achieved a special place in the “war room,” next to the campaign director and the pollster. In 2012, Obama’s election has marked the entrance in the “Fast Politics”: resulting, on one hand, in 24 hours news, a large amount of auto-generated contents produced by the voters through digital media, fragmentation, instantaneous transmission of messages and, on the other hand, a reduction of the attention threshold. Once again, similarly to the past, the evolution of the media (2.0) ends up changing the nature of election campaigns and political consulting request. What happens in Europe? The objective is to carry out a comparative analysis on the professionalization of candidates’ electoral staff. We wanted to verify if the American model has been imported in Europe with special focus on the techniques and the style of election campaigns management. In particular, within a comparative approach among the European states, the study analyzed the usage of political consulting and the degree of “digitalization” during last general elections: an ancillary practice or, on the contrary, a new tool for consensus? The comparative analysis among European states exploited the data provided by Comparative Candidates Survey (CCS 2013) and constructed synthetic indexes on the professionalization and digitization campaigns, conducting a quantitative and qualitative analysis.

@article{martin_staying_2021,
	title = {Staying connected: explaining parties’ enduring connections to civil society},
	issn = {0140-2382, 1743-9655},
	shorttitle = {Staying connected},
	url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01402382.2021.1986784},
	doi = {10.1080/01402382.2021.1986784},
	abstract = {The connections between political parties and civil society are central to parties’ representative performance. Several explanations exist for cross-party variations in the strength of these connections. However, nobody has compared the explanatory power of rival theories. This article does just that, using a novel dataset covering 149 parties in 29 elections in 14 West European countries. It establishes that elites in parties with government experience and a left-wing ideological orientation have the strongest links to civil society. Parties at the far right are the least connected, in particular those that have no governing experience. Contrary to expectations, however, the study shows that, when controlling for party ideology and governing experience, the level of intra-party democracy and key components of party trajectory, such as party origin and strategy, are not significant in explaining the strength of party-society connections.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2021-10-19},
	journal = {West European Politics},
	author = {Martin, Nick and de Lange, Sarah L. and van der Brug, Wouter},
	month = oct,
	year = {2021},
	pages = {1--23},
}

The connections between political parties and civil society are central to parties’ representative performance. Several explanations exist for cross-party variations in the strength of these connections. However, nobody has compared the explanatory power of rival theories. This article does just that, using a novel dataset covering 149 parties in 29 elections in 14 West European countries. It establishes that elites in parties with government experience and a left-wing ideological orientation have the strongest links to civil society. Parties at the far right are the least connected, in particular those that have no governing experience. Contrary to expectations, however, the study shows that, when controlling for party ideology and governing experience, the level of intra-party democracy and key components of party trajectory, such as party origin and strategy, are not significant in explaining the strength of party-society connections.

@article{vis_conducting_2021,
	title = {Conducting quantitative studies with the participation of political elites: best practices for designing the study and soliciting the participation of political elites},
	volume = {55},
	issn = {0033-5177, 1573-7845},
	shorttitle = {Conducting quantitative studies with the participation of political elites},
	url = {https://link.springer.com/10.1007/s11135-020-01052-z},
	doi = {10.1007/s11135-020-01052-z},
	abstract = {Conducting quantitative research (e.g., surveys, a large number of interviews, experiments) with the participation of political elites is typically challenging. Given that a population of political elites is typically small by definition, a particular challenge is obtaining a sufficiently high number of observations and, thus, a certain response rate. This paper focuses on two questions related to this challenge: (1) What are best practices for designing the study? And (2) what are best practices for soliciting the participation of political elites? To arrive at these best practices, we (a) examine which factors explain the variation in response rates across surveys within and between large-scale, multi-wave survey projects by statistically analyzing a newly compiled dataset of 342 political elite surveys from eight projects, spanning 30 years and 58 countries, (b) integrate the typically scattered findings from the existing literature and (c) discuss results from an original expert survey among researchers with experience with such research (n = 23). By compiling a comprehensive list of best practices, systematically testing some widely held believes about response rates and by providing benchmarks for response rates depending on country, survey mode and elite type, we aim to facilitate future studies where participation of political elites is required. This will contribute to our knowledge and understanding of political elites’ opinions, information processing and decision making and thereby of the functioning of representative democracies.},
	language = {en},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2021-10-19},
	journal = {Quality \& Quantity},
	author = {Vis, Barbara and Stolwijk, Sjoerd},
	month = aug,
	year = {2021},
	pages = {1281--1317},
}

Conducting quantitative research (e.g., surveys, a large number of interviews, experiments) with the participation of political elites is typically challenging. Given that a population of political elites is typically small by definition, a particular challenge is obtaining a sufficiently high number of observations and, thus, a certain response rate. This paper focuses on two questions related to this challenge: (1) What are best practices for designing the study? And (2) what are best practices for soliciting the participation of political elites? To arrive at these best practices, we (a) examine which factors explain the variation in response rates across surveys within and between large-scale, multi-wave survey projects by statistically analyzing a newly compiled dataset of 342 political elite surveys from eight projects, spanning 30 years and 58 countries, (b) integrate the typically scattered findings from the existing literature and (c) discuss results from an original expert survey among researchers with experience with such research (n = 23). By compiling a comprehensive list of best practices, systematically testing some widely held believes about response rates and by providing benchmarks for response rates depending on country, survey mode and elite type, we aim to facilitate future studies where participation of political elites is required. This will contribute to our knowledge and understanding of political elites’ opinions, information processing and decision making and thereby of the functioning of representative democracies.

@article{cox_moral_2021,
	title = {Moral hazard in electoral teams: {List} rank and campaign effort},
	volume = {200},
	issn = {00472727},
	shorttitle = {Moral hazard in electoral teams},
	url = {https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0047272721000931},
	doi = {10.1016/j.jpubeco.2021.104457},
	abstract = {How do parties motivate candidates to exert effort in closed-list elections, where seat outcomes are uncertain only for candidates in marginal list positions? We argue that parties can solve this moral hazard problem by committing ex ante to allocate higher offices in government, such as cabinet portfolios, monotonically with list rank. Under this schedule of compensation, parties have incentives to rank candidates in order of quality (under some conditions) and candidates have incentives to increase the volume and geo-diversity of their campaign efforts as their rank improves. Using detailed data on Norwegian candidates and their use of mass and social media in recent elections, we confirm that (1) candidate quality increases with list rank, and (2) candidates in safer ranks shift from intra-district to extra-district and national media exposure—a composition of effort that can increase their party’s chance of entering government, and thus their own potential share of the spoils.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2022-02-14},
	journal = {Journal of Public Economics},
	author = {Cox, Gary W. and Fiva, Jon H. and Smith, Daniel M. and Sørensen, Rune J.},
	month = aug,
	year = {2021},
	pages = {104457},
}

How do parties motivate candidates to exert effort in closed-list elections, where seat outcomes are uncertain only for candidates in marginal list positions? We argue that parties can solve this moral hazard problem by committing ex ante to allocate higher offices in government, such as cabinet portfolios, monotonically with list rank. Under this schedule of compensation, parties have incentives to rank candidates in order of quality (under some conditions) and candidates have incentives to increase the volume and geo-diversity of their campaign efforts as their rank improves. Using detailed data on Norwegian candidates and their use of mass and social media in recent elections, we confirm that (1) candidate quality increases with list rank, and (2) candidates in safer ranks shift from intra-district to extra-district and national media exposure—a composition of effort that can increase their party’s chance of entering government, and thus their own potential share of the spoils.

@article{tromborg_candidate_2021,
	title = {Candidate nomination rules and party leader strategies},
	volume = {27},
	issn = {1354-0688, 1460-3683},
	url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1354068819853967},
	doi = {10.1177/1354068819853967},
	abstract = {Parliamentary party leaders have an electoral incentive to protect the informational value of their party's label by promoting unity, but recent research has shown that parties can also benefit electorally from appealing broadly through a wide distribution of candidate positions on political issues. This article suggests that party leaders with formal candidate nomination powers balance these incentives by nominating new candidates who are more congruent with the party when the distribution of issue positions among the senior candidates is wide, and, conversely, by nominating new candidates who are more divergent from the party when the senior candidate position distribution is narrow. These possibilities are tested with candidate survey data from six parliamentary democracies, and the results show that new party leader nominations are indeed conditional on the senior candidate distribution, but only on issues that are salient to the party’s electoral brand.},
	language = {en},
	number = {3},
	urldate = {2022-01-12},
	journal = {Party Politics},
	author = {Tromborg, Mathias Wessel},
	month = may,
	year = {2021},
	pages = {442--452},
}

Parliamentary party leaders have an electoral incentive to protect the informational value of their party's label by promoting unity, but recent research has shown that parties can also benefit electorally from appealing broadly through a wide distribution of candidate positions on political issues. This article suggests that party leaders with formal candidate nomination powers balance these incentives by nominating new candidates who are more congruent with the party when the distribution of issue positions among the senior candidates is wide, and, conversely, by nominating new candidates who are more divergent from the party when the senior candidate position distribution is narrow. These possibilities are tested with candidate survey data from six parliamentary democracies, and the results show that new party leader nominations are indeed conditional on the senior candidate distribution, but only on issues that are salient to the party’s electoral brand.

@article{ceron_breakups_2021,
	title = {Breakups hurt: {Party} switching and perceived proximity between politicians and their party},
	volume = {27},
	issn = {1354-0688, 1460-3683},
	shorttitle = {Breakups hurt},
	url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1354068819880138},
	doi = {10.1177/1354068819880138},
	abstract = {What are the effects of party defections on the attitudes of politicians who remain loyal to the party? We answer by combining multiple sources of data into a comprehensive novel data set on parliamentary party switching, to estimate how this affects the perceived distance between a politician and his party. Focusing on the theory of cognitive dissonance and the black sheep effect, we hypothesize that politicians perceive themselves closer to their parties when those parties recently suffered defections. The effect should be greater among incumbent politicians as they directly experience divisions, but also among officials dissatisfied with the leadership as their dissonance should be stronger. Statistical analyses of data from two elite surveys, on a sample of 13,256 politicians belonging to 92 parties that ran in 28 elections held between 2005 and 2015 in 14 countries, provide support for our hypotheses and shed light on the consequences of intra-party defections.},
	language = {en},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2022-01-12},
	journal = {Party Politics},
	author = {Ceron, Andrea and Volpi, Elisa},
	month = jul,
	year = {2021},
	pages = {656--666},
}

What are the effects of party defections on the attitudes of politicians who remain loyal to the party? We answer by combining multiple sources of data into a comprehensive novel data set on parliamentary party switching, to estimate how this affects the perceived distance between a politician and his party. Focusing on the theory of cognitive dissonance and the black sheep effect, we hypothesize that politicians perceive themselves closer to their parties when those parties recently suffered defections. The effect should be greater among incumbent politicians as they directly experience divisions, but also among officials dissatisfied with the leadership as their dissonance should be stronger. Statistical analyses of data from two elite surveys, on a sample of 13,256 politicians belonging to 92 parties that ran in 28 elections held between 2005 and 2015 in 14 countries, provide support for our hypotheses and shed light on the consequences of intra-party defections.

@book{coller_politicians_2021,
	title = {Politicians in {Hard} {Times}: {Spanish} and {South} {European} {MPs} {Facing} {Citizens} after the {Great} {Recession}},
	isbn = {978-3-030-70241-0},
	shorttitle = {Politicians in {Hard} {Times}},
	url = {https://www.palgrave.com/gp/book/9783030702410},
	abstract = {This book analyses the Spanish parliamentary elites in a comparative perspective within southern Europe. What has been the impact of the Great Recession on the configuration of parliaments and the diversity of legislators? Have new parties delivered better representation of citizens in terms of demographics (gender, age, social class), ideology or political attitudes and beliefs? This original research is based on a 2018 survey on members of two national chambers and 17 regional parliaments. Comparing these data with those of a simultaneous survey carried out on Spanish citizens and with data from previous research a decade ago, the book examines the changes that have occurred in representation during the course of the Great Recession and provides evidence of the growing distance between citizens and parliamentary elites. Additionally, using data from the Comparative Candidates Survey, the book compares the ideological congruence between citizens and their representatives in Spain, Portugal, Italy and Greece.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2021-06-25},
	publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
	editor = {Coller, Xavier and Sánchez-Ferrer, Leonardo},
	year = {2021},
	doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-70242-7},
}

This book analyses the Spanish parliamentary elites in a comparative perspective within southern Europe. What has been the impact of the Great Recession on the configuration of parliaments and the diversity of legislators? Have new parties delivered better representation of citizens in terms of demographics (gender, age, social class), ideology or political attitudes and beliefs? This original research is based on a 2018 survey on members of two national chambers and 17 regional parliaments. Comparing these data with those of a simultaneous survey carried out on Spanish citizens and with data from previous research a decade ago, the book examines the changes that have occurred in representation during the course of the Great Recession and provides evidence of the growing distance between citizens and parliamentary elites. Additionally, using data from the Comparative Candidates Survey, the book compares the ideological congruence between citizens and their representatives in Spain, Portugal, Italy and Greece.

@article{cox_measuring_2020,
	title = {Measuring the {Competitiveness} of {Elections}},
	volume = {28},
	issn = {1047-1987, 1476-4989},
	url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S1047198719000287/type/journal_article},
	doi = {10.1017/pan.2019.28},
	abstract = {The concept of electoral competition plays a central role in many subfields of political science, but no consensus exists on how to measure it. One key challenge is how to conceptualize and measure electoral competitiveness at the district level across alternative electoral systems. Recent efforts to meet this challenge have introduced general measures of competitiveness which rest on explicit calculations about how votes translate into seats, but also implicit assumptions about how effort maps into votes (and how costly effort is). We investigate how assumptions about the effort-to-votes mapping affect the units in which competitiveness is best measured, arguing in favor of vote-share-denominated measures and against vote-share-per-seat measures. Whether elections under multimember proportional representation systems are judged more or less competitive than single-member plurality or runoff elections depends directly on the units in which competitiveness is assessed (and hence on assumptions about how effort maps into votes).},
	language = {en},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2022-02-14},
	journal = {Political Analysis},
	author = {Cox, Gary W. and Fiva, Jon H. and Smith, Daniel M.},
	month = apr,
	year = {2020},
	pages = {168--185},
}

The concept of electoral competition plays a central role in many subfields of political science, but no consensus exists on how to measure it. One key challenge is how to conceptualize and measure electoral competitiveness at the district level across alternative electoral systems. Recent efforts to meet this challenge have introduced general measures of competitiveness which rest on explicit calculations about how votes translate into seats, but also implicit assumptions about how effort maps into votes (and how costly effort is). We investigate how assumptions about the effort-to-votes mapping affect the units in which competitiveness is best measured, arguing in favor of vote-share-denominated measures and against vote-share-per-seat measures. Whether elections under multimember proportional representation systems are judged more or less competitive than single-member plurality or runoff elections depends directly on the units in which competitiveness is assessed (and hence on assumptions about how effort maps into votes).

@book{de_winter_parliamentary_2020,
	title = {Parliamentary {Candidates} {Between} {Voters} and {Parties}: {A} {Comparative} {Perspective}},
	url = {https://www.routledge.com/Parliamentary-Candidates-Between-Voters-and-Parties-A-Comparative-Perspective/Winter-Karlsen-Schmitt/p/book/9780367248512},
	abstract = {This book offers the first comprehensive, comparative and coherent perspective on parliamentary candidates in contemporary representative democracy.

Based on the unique database of the ‘Comparative Candidate Survey' project which interrogated parliamentary candidates in more than 30 countries, it fills a significant lacuna by focusing on the thousands of ordinary candidates that participate in national elections. It examines who the candidates are in terms of their socio-demographic background and political career patterns, how they were selected by their parties, what their policy preference are and whether these are congruent to those held by their voters, who they seek to represent and how they intend to do so once elected, and what their visions are on representative democracy and party government. Last but not least, it investigates how they go about reaching out to their potential voters during the election campaign.

This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of political parties and party politics, political elites, political communication, political participation, elections, theories of democracy and representation, legislative studies, voting behaviour and more broadly to European politics, as well as to political and policy professionals throughout Europe.},
	language = {en},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	editor = {De Winter, Lieven and Karlsen, Rune and Schmitt, Hermann},
	month = nov,
	year = {2020},
}

This book offers the first comprehensive, comparative and coherent perspective on parliamentary candidates in contemporary representative democracy. Based on the unique database of the ‘Comparative Candidate Survey' project which interrogated parliamentary candidates in more than 30 countries, it fills a significant lacuna by focusing on the thousands of ordinary candidates that participate in national elections. It examines who the candidates are in terms of their socio-demographic background and political career patterns, how they were selected by their parties, what their policy preference are and whether these are congruent to those held by their voters, who they seek to represent and how they intend to do so once elected, and what their visions are on representative democracy and party government. Last but not least, it investigates how they go about reaching out to their potential voters during the election campaign. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of political parties and party politics, political elites, political communication, political participation, elections, theories of democracy and representation, legislative studies, voting behaviour and more broadly to European politics, as well as to political and policy professionals throughout Europe.

@incollection{freire_methodological_2020,
	address = {London},
	title = {Methodological {Challenges} in the {Study} of {Political} {Elites}},
	isbn = {978-0-367-02294-5},
	url = {https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/methodological-challenges-study-political-elites-andr%C3%A9-freire-xavier-coller-ioannis-andreadis-antonio-jaime-sofia-serra-silva-evangelia-kartsounidou/e/10.4324/9780429400414-7},
	abstract = {This chapter analyses some of the most important methodological and technical-methodological challenges social scientists face when researching political elites, especially when adopting the positional method. They usually have to choose between analysing the whole population or just a sample of it. Although the choice will be determined by the nature of the research, both options pose challenges for researchers, especially when using web-based surveys. Moreover, the technical-methodological choice of method for data collection when using surveys (mode of survey: face-to-face, mail/self-administered or web-survey) also has fundamental consequences – in the financial and logistic fields and in terms of response rates and data quality. Based on the experience of researchers in Greece, Portugal and Spain, this chapter offers an overview of the more important elite surveys (candidates and/or MPs) fielded in the three Southern European countries under scrutiny and offers also some suggestions on how to improve the data collection and management process in studies targeting the whole population or a sample of MPs and/or candidates.},
	booktitle = {Political {Representation} in {Southern} {Europe} and {Latin} {America} {Crisis} or {Continuing} {Transformation} following the {Great} {Recession}?},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	author = {Freire, André and Coller, Xavier and Andreadis, Ioannis and Jaime, Antonio M. and Serra da Silva, Sofia and Kartsounidou, Evangelia},
	editor = {Freire, André and Barragán, Mélany and Coller, Xavier and Lisi, Marco and Tsatsanis, Emmanouil},
	year = {2020},
	note = {ECC: 0000000},
}

This chapter analyses some of the most important methodological and technical-methodological challenges social scientists face when researching political elites, especially when adopting the positional method. They usually have to choose between analysing the whole population or just a sample of it. Although the choice will be determined by the nature of the research, both options pose challenges for researchers, especially when using web-based surveys. Moreover, the technical-methodological choice of method for data collection when using surveys (mode of survey: face-to-face, mail/self-administered or web-survey) also has fundamental consequences – in the financial and logistic fields and in terms of response rates and data quality. Based on the experience of researchers in Greece, Portugal and Spain, this chapter offers an overview of the more important elite surveys (candidates and/or MPs) fielded in the three Southern European countries under scrutiny and offers also some suggestions on how to improve the data collection and management process in studies targeting the whole population or a sample of MPs and/or candidates.

@book{freire_political_2020,
	title = {Political {Representation} in {Southern} {Europe} and {Latin} {America}},
	isbn = {978-0-429-40041-4},
	url = {https://www.routledge.com/Political-Representation-in-Southern-Europe-and-Latin-America-Crisis-or/Freire-Barragan-Coller-Lisi-Tsatsanis/p/book/9780367022945},
	abstract = {This collective volume - with contributions from experts on these regions - examines broader questions about the current crises (The Great Recession and The Commodity Crisis) and the associated changes in political representation in both regions. It provides a general overview of political representation studies in Southern Europe and Latin America and builds bridges between the two traditions of political representation studies, affording greater understanding of developments in each region and promote future research collaboration between Southern Europe and Latin America. Finally, the book addresses questions of continuity and change in patterns of political representation after the onset of the two economic crises, specifically examining issues such as changes in citizens' democratic support and trust in political representatives and institutions, in-descriptive representation (in the sociodemographic profile of MPs) and in-substantive representation (in the link between voters and MPs in terms of ideological congruence and/or policy/issue orientations). This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of political elites, political representation, European and Latin American politics/studies, and more broadly to comparative politics.},
	urldate = {2020-06-15},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	editor = {Freire, André and Barragán, Mélany and Coller, Xavier and Lisi, Marco and Tsatsanis, Emmanouil},
	year = {2020},
	doi = {10.4324/9780429400414},
}

This collective volume - with contributions from experts on these regions - examines broader questions about the current crises (The Great Recession and The Commodity Crisis) and the associated changes in political representation in both regions. It provides a general overview of political representation studies in Southern Europe and Latin America and builds bridges between the two traditions of political representation studies, affording greater understanding of developments in each region and promote future research collaboration between Southern Europe and Latin America. Finally, the book addresses questions of continuity and change in patterns of political representation after the onset of the two economic crises, specifically examining issues such as changes in citizens' democratic support and trust in political representatives and institutions, in-descriptive representation (in the sociodemographic profile of MPs) and in-substantive representation (in the link between voters and MPs in terms of ideological congruence and/or policy/issue orientations). This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of political elites, political representation, European and Latin American politics/studies, and more broadly to comparative politics.

@article{wuest_parties_2020,
	title = {Do parties dislike working-class candidates?},
	url = {https://archive-ouverte.unige.ch/unige:134624},
	abstract = {In most democracies, members of parliament tend to be better off than the citizens they are elected to represent. How can we explain why democratic parliaments are systematically run by the affluent? Previous research has mostly focused on the explanation that voters may prefer to elect candidates who are better off than they themselves are. The goal of this paper is to explore an alternative mechanism, viz., whether political parties favor well-off rather than less well-off candidates. To examine this question, I analyze data from the 2007 election to the lower chamber of the Swiss parliament. The results show that parties are more likely to assign favorable party list positions to candidates who are fairly well-off. In particular, I find that parties favor candidates from the skilled working class or the core middle class over candidates from the routine working class as well as candidates who are well educated over candidates who are less well educated. These findings suggest that party bias in the candidate nomination process is a factor contributing to the descriptive misrepresentation by income and social class that is so common in current democracies.},
	author = {Wuest, Reto},
	year = {2020},
	pages = {23},
}

In most democracies, members of parliament tend to be better off than the citizens they are elected to represent. How can we explain why democratic parliaments are systematically run by the affluent? Previous research has mostly focused on the explanation that voters may prefer to elect candidates who are better off than they themselves are. The goal of this paper is to explore an alternative mechanism, viz., whether political parties favor well-off rather than less well-off candidates. To examine this question, I analyze data from the 2007 election to the lower chamber of the Swiss parliament. The results show that parties are more likely to assign favorable party list positions to candidates who are fairly well-off. In particular, I find that parties favor candidates from the skilled working class or the core middle class over candidates from the routine working class as well as candidates who are well educated over candidates who are less well educated. These findings suggest that party bias in the candidate nomination process is a factor contributing to the descriptive misrepresentation by income and social class that is so common in current democracies.

@article{popescu_electoral_2020,
	title = {Electoral {System} {Incentives} for a {Party}-{Serving} {Personal} {Vote} {How} {Can} {High} {Personalization} {Occur} under {PR}?},
	volume = {53},
	issn = {0967-067X},
	url = {/cpcs/article/53/2/3/110708/Electoral-System-Incentives-for-a-Party-Serving},
	doi = {10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.2.3},
	abstract = {Candidate-centric campaigns are most likely to occur when electoral system incentives to personalize do not conflict with party-based incentives. Then it makes sense for candidates to use any campaign mean to improve their chances to win a seat while also helping the party win more seats and increasing their standing within the organization. The Romanian electoral system uniquely combined mechanisms that enabled all three motivations for almost all candidates. Our analysis of the degree and determinants of personalization in the 2012 parliamentary elections illustrates that electoral system incentives were key factors driving campaign personalization as a party-congruent rather than adversarial campaign strategy.},
	language = {en},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2020-12-15},
	journal = {Communist and Post-Communist Studies},
	author = {Popescu, Marina and Chiru, Mihail},
	month = jun,
	year = {2020},
	note = {Publisher: University of California Press},
	pages = {3--24},
}

Candidate-centric campaigns are most likely to occur when electoral system incentives to personalize do not conflict with party-based incentives. Then it makes sense for candidates to use any campaign mean to improve their chances to win a seat while also helping the party win more seats and increasing their standing within the organization. The Romanian electoral system uniquely combined mechanisms that enabled all three motivations for almost all candidates. Our analysis of the degree and determinants of personalization in the 2012 parliamentary elections illustrates that electoral system incentives were key factors driving campaign personalization as a party-congruent rather than adversarial campaign strategy.

@article{mader_party_2019,
	title = {Party institutionalization and intra-party preference homogeneity},
	volume = {13},
	issn = {1865-2646},
	url = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/s12286-019-00421-9},
	doi = {10.1007/s12286-019-00421-9},
	abstract = {This paper studies the relation between party institutionalization and intra-party preference homogeneity in democracies. In weakly institutionalized parties, it cannot be taken for granted that party actors have similar policy views because they lack the capability or motivation to coordinate agreement and to recruit personnel in line with this agreement. This should matter most when other safeguards against preference heterogeneity are missing. Empirically, we explore the association between institutionalization and intra-party preference homogeneity at the level of candidates to the national legislature based on survey data. In a single-country study, we first look at the case of Germany in 2013 and 2017, contrasting the young and weakly institutionalized Alternative for Germany (AfD) with the older, established parties. In a second step, we study the link between party institutionalization and preference homogeneity in a cross-country analysis of 19 established democracies. We find that parties with high value infusion—parties whose candidates are committed to the party—are generally more homogenous in their policy preferences. Moreover, value infusion is more consequential when the issues in question are not constitutive for the party and when candidates are selected in a decentralized way. Similarly, routinization of internal party behavior—the second dimension of institutionalization that we account for—seems to contribute to preference homogeneity only when parties are less policy oriented and have decentralized candidate selection procedures.},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2019-09-03},
	journal = {Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft},
	author = {Mader, Matthias and Steiner, Nils D.},
	month = jun,
	year = {2019},
	note = {Publisher: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden},
	pages = {199--224},
}

This paper studies the relation between party institutionalization and intra-party preference homogeneity in democracies. In weakly institutionalized parties, it cannot be taken for granted that party actors have similar policy views because they lack the capability or motivation to coordinate agreement and to recruit personnel in line with this agreement. This should matter most when other safeguards against preference heterogeneity are missing. Empirically, we explore the association between institutionalization and intra-party preference homogeneity at the level of candidates to the national legislature based on survey data. In a single-country study, we first look at the case of Germany in 2013 and 2017, contrasting the young and weakly institutionalized Alternative for Germany (AfD) with the older, established parties. In a second step, we study the link between party institutionalization and preference homogeneity in a cross-country analysis of 19 established democracies. We find that parties with high value infusion—parties whose candidates are committed to the party—are generally more homogenous in their policy preferences. Moreover, value infusion is more consequential when the issues in question are not constitutive for the party and when candidates are selected in a decentralized way. Similarly, routinization of internal party behavior—the second dimension of institutionalization that we account for—seems to contribute to preference homogeneity only when parties are less policy oriented and have decentralized candidate selection procedures.

@article{lewandowsky_policy_2019,
	title = {Policy congruence and strategic loyalty: which parties nominate candidates dissatisfied with democracy? {Evidence} from 11 {European} countries},
	volume = {1},
	issn = {2474-736X},
	url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/2474736X.2019.1628616},
	doi = {10.1080/2474736X.2019.1628616},
	abstract = {This article considers the interplay between the democratic attitudes of candidates and their nomination through political parties. The focus is on candidates who articulate a dissatisfied attitude towards the current status of democracy, and the research interest lies on the parties that might nominate such candidates in national elections. In doing so, the article establishes a link between work on the democratic beliefs of candidates as a specific part of the political elite and literature on party behaviour. The study is grounded in both classical attempts and recent work on political elites and candidate nomination, and its theoretical framework is based on the assumption that parties principally select supportive candidates. Two major mechanisms are investigated: on the one hand, nomination as an expression of policy congruence between the party and its candidates, on the other, candidate nomination as a way to maintain loyalty with the party’s strategic behaviour in parliament. In a first empirical attempt to this research interest, the study analyses data from 76 parties in 11 European countries.},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2019-10-15},
	journal = {Political Research Exchange},
	author = {Lewandowsky, Marcel},
	month = jan,
	year = {2019},
	note = {Publisher: Routledge},
	keywords = {Political parties, anti-establishment parties, candidates, democratic dissatisfaction, political elites},
	pages = {1628616},
}

This article considers the interplay between the democratic attitudes of candidates and their nomination through political parties. The focus is on candidates who articulate a dissatisfied attitude towards the current status of democracy, and the research interest lies on the parties that might nominate such candidates in national elections. In doing so, the article establishes a link between work on the democratic beliefs of candidates as a specific part of the political elite and literature on party behaviour. The study is grounded in both classical attempts and recent work on political elites and candidate nomination, and its theoretical framework is based on the assumption that parties principally select supportive candidates. Two major mechanisms are investigated: on the one hand, nomination as an expression of policy congruence between the party and its candidates, on the other, candidate nomination as a way to maintain loyalty with the party’s strategic behaviour in parliament. In a first empirical attempt to this research interest, the study analyses data from 76 parties in 11 European countries.

@article{giannetti_personal_2019,
	title = {Personal ambitions, expertise and parties' control: {Understanding} committee assignment in the {Italian} chamber of deputies},
	volume = {72},
	issn = {14602482},
	doi = {10.1093/pa/gsy013},
	abstract = {In this study, we look at committee assignment by focusing on the extent to which MPs’ desires to become members of certain committees are fulfilled. Our theoretical argument is based on the assumption that legislators pursue individ- ual goals, which interact with party leaders’ ones. To test our hypotheses, we use original survey data on elected candidates to the Italian Parliament that were col- lected immediately after the 2013 general election. Our main findings highlight that individual preferences driven by distributive interests are more likely to be ac- commodated in the case of legislators who are close to their party in ideological terms. On the contrary, ideological proximity to the party does not seem to affect committee assignment when MPs’ preferences are driven by expertise-based motivations.},
	number = {1},
	journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
	author = {Giannetti, Daniela and Pedrazzani, Andrea and Pinto, Luca},
	month = jan,
	year = {2019},
	note = {Publisher: Oxford University Press},
	keywords = {Committee assignment, Italian parliament, Legislative committees, Legislative organisation, Party unity, Political parties},
	pages = {119--140},
}

In this study, we look at committee assignment by focusing on the extent to which MPs’ desires to become members of certain committees are fulfilled. Our theoretical argument is based on the assumption that legislators pursue individ- ual goals, which interact with party leaders’ ones. To test our hypotheses, we use original survey data on elected candidates to the Italian Parliament that were col- lected immediately after the 2013 general election. Our main findings highlight that individual preferences driven by distributive interests are more likely to be ac- commodated in the case of legislators who are close to their party in ideological terms. On the contrary, ideological proximity to the party does not seem to affect committee assignment when MPs’ preferences are driven by expertise-based motivations.

@article{lisi_campaign_2019,
	title = {Campaign individualization in a comparative perspective: does the context matter?},
	volume = {9},
	issn = {0871164X},
	shorttitle = {Campaign individualization in a comparative perspective},
	url = {http://ojs.letras.up.pt/index.php/historia/article/view/6598/6151},
	doi = {10.21747/0871164X/hist9_2a6},
	abstract = {Despite a great flourishing of studies on election campaigns, the issue of individualized campaigns has been widely neglected, especially from a comparative perspective. Yet, campaigns differ not only in terms of strategy or style, but also with regard to the role played by individual candidates. This article examines the variation of both the communicative focus and the resources used by candidates across different Western democracies. Using data from the Comparative Candidate Surveys (CCS), it tests the impact of several institutional and political features on campaign individualization. Our results show that both electoral systems and the legal framework regulating electoral contests display a significant impact on campaign individualization.},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2022-01-12},
	journal = {História: Revista da Faculdade de Letras da Universidade do Porto},
	author = {Lisi, Marco and Pereira, José Santana},
	year = {2019},
	pages = {104--128},
}

Despite a great flourishing of studies on election campaigns, the issue of individualized campaigns has been widely neglected, especially from a comparative perspective. Yet, campaigns differ not only in terms of strategy or style, but also with regard to the role played by individual candidates. This article examines the variation of both the communicative focus and the resources used by candidates across different Western democracies. Using data from the Comparative Candidate Surveys (CCS), it tests the impact of several institutional and political features on campaign individualization. Our results show that both electoral systems and the legal framework regulating electoral contests display a significant impact on campaign individualization.

@incollection{Andreadis2017,
	title = {Elite {Surveys}},
	abstract = {Research on the phenomenon of populism has a long history in Europe and Latin America. Most studies up to now have focused on the clarification of the concept of populism as well as on explaining the success of populist contenders. Recently, empirical research has also advanced in the task of measuring the complexities of populism, e.g. through textual analysis of political speeches or public opinion surveys to measure populist attitudes of voters. However, with the exception of key political figures like presidents, prime ministers, and political parties in general, the inclination of political elites towards populist attitudes has yet to be adequately explored, especially from a comparative perspective. This chapter sets out to close this gap and presents a first glance on two genuine datasets measuring populist attitudes through both candidate and parliamentary elite surveys in Greece and Bolivia.},
	booktitle = {The {Ideational} {Approach} to {Populism}: {Concept}, {Theory}, and {Analysis}},
	publisher = {Democracy and Extremism Series, Routledge},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Ruth, Saskia P.},
	editor = {Hawkins, Kirk and Carlin, Ryan and Littvay, Levente and Rovira Kaltwasser, Cristobal},
	year = {2019},
	pages = {112--127},
}

Research on the phenomenon of populism has a long history in Europe and Latin America. Most studies up to now have focused on the clarification of the concept of populism as well as on explaining the success of populist contenders. Recently, empirical research has also advanced in the task of measuring the complexities of populism, e.g. through textual analysis of political speeches or public opinion surveys to measure populist attitudes of voters. However, with the exception of key political figures like presidents, prime ministers, and political parties in general, the inclination of political elites towards populist attitudes has yet to be adequately explored, especially from a comparative perspective. This chapter sets out to close this gap and presents a first glance on two genuine datasets measuring populist attitudes through both candidate and parliamentary elite surveys in Greece and Bolivia.

@article{sudulich_comparative_2019,
	title = {A {Comparative} {Study} of the {Effects} of {Electoral} {Institutions} on {Campaigns}},
	volume = {49},
	issn = {0007-1234, 1469-2112},
	url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0007123416000570/type/journal_article},
	doi = {10.1017/S0007123416000570},
	abstract = {A long tradition of studies in political science has unveiled the effects of electoral institutions on party systems and parliamentary representation. Yet their effects on campaign activities remain overlooked. Research in this tradition still lacks a strong comparative element able to explore the nuanced role of electoral institutions in shaping individual-level campaigns during first-order parliamentary elections. This study uses data from a variety of national candidate studies to address this lacuna, and shows that the structure of electoral institutions affects the electoral mobilization efforts put in place by candidates. Candidate-centred electoral systems incentivize more intense and complex mobilization efforts, and shift the campaign focus towards individuals rather than parties. By directly addressing the effects of electoral institutions on campaign behaviour, this study contributes to the wider debate on their role in promoting political engagement and mobilization. These results indicate that electoral institutions affect political competition much more than previously thought.},
	language = {en},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2022-01-12},
	journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
	author = {Sudulich, Laura and Trumm, Siim},
	month = jan,
	year = {2019},
	pages = {381--399},
}

A long tradition of studies in political science has unveiled the effects of electoral institutions on party systems and parliamentary representation. Yet their effects on campaign activities remain overlooked. Research in this tradition still lacks a strong comparative element able to explore the nuanced role of electoral institutions in shaping individual-level campaigns during first-order parliamentary elections. This study uses data from a variety of national candidate studies to address this lacuna, and shows that the structure of electoral institutions affects the electoral mobilization efforts put in place by candidates. Candidate-centred electoral systems incentivize more intense and complex mobilization efforts, and shift the campaign focus towards individuals rather than parties. By directly addressing the effects of electoral institutions on campaign behaviour, this study contributes to the wider debate on their role in promoting political engagement and mobilization. These results indicate that electoral institutions affect political competition much more than previously thought.

@book{vandeleene_candidates_2019,
	address = {Cham},
	title = {Candidates, {Parties} and {Voters} in the {Belgian} {Partitocracy}},
	isbn = {978-3-319-96459-1},
	url = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/978-3-319-96460-7},
	abstract = {A black box in the study of representation in European democracies is our knowledge about elected but also unelected candidates. What is their background? How are they recruited? What are their campaign aims, strategies, resources and tools? How do they relate to their (constituency and central) party and their voters? How do they consider democratic governance at national and European levels? This book focuses on the triadic relationship between candidates and the other poles of the delegation and accountability triangle: political parties and voters. The chapters rely mostly on the Belgian Candidate Survey (CCS project) gathering about 2000 candidates belonging to 15 parties running for the 2014 federal and regional elections. Most conclusions do not hold only for the Belgian partitocracy but answer broad political science questions on elite recruitment, electoral strategies, personalisation, party cohesion, and descriptive and substantive representation. Its multilevel semi-open electoral system, atypical federal structure, and extreme party system fragmentation make Belgium a rich but complex case offering findings highly relevant to research on candidates in other democracies.},
	urldate = {2019-05-04},
	publisher = {Springer International Publishing},
	editor = {Vandeleene, Audrey and De Winter, Lieven and Baudewyns, Pierre},
	year = {2019},
	doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-96460-7},
}

A black box in the study of representation in European democracies is our knowledge about elected but also unelected candidates. What is their background? How are they recruited? What are their campaign aims, strategies, resources and tools? How do they relate to their (constituency and central) party and their voters? How do they consider democratic governance at national and European levels? This book focuses on the triadic relationship between candidates and the other poles of the delegation and accountability triangle: political parties and voters. The chapters rely mostly on the Belgian Candidate Survey (CCS project) gathering about 2000 candidates belonging to 15 parties running for the 2014 federal and regional elections. Most conclusions do not hold only for the Belgian partitocracy but answer broad political science questions on elite recruitment, electoral strategies, personalisation, party cohesion, and descriptive and substantive representation. Its multilevel semi-open electoral system, atypical federal structure, and extreme party system fragmentation make Belgium a rich but complex case offering findings highly relevant to research on candidates in other democracies.

@article{schumacher_party_2018,
	title = {Party performance explains disagreement between politicians and their parties},
	volume = {41},
	issn = {17439655},
	doi = {10.1080/01402382.2017.1359013},
	abstract = {Are politicians more likely to disagree with their party after an electoral defeat or during a spell in opposition? If so, are they likely to advocate a more moderate or a more radical position than their party? In order to evaluate this, the article analyses the absolute distance between candidates for parliament and their parties on the left–right dimension. The sample used consists of 5614 politicians from 11 countries (Comparative Candidate Survey). Controlling for party system differences and individual characteristics, the results demonstrate that politicians take more moderate positions than their party after an electoral defeat. Also politicians of government parties are surprisingly more likely to disagree than politicians of opposition parties. These results overlap with predictions of party position shifts and inform the discussion on how intra-party dynamics bring about changes in party position. In addition, the article finds evidence of loss aversion, and differences in the responsiveness of elite and non-elite candidates.},
	number = {2},
	journal = {West European Politics},
	author = {Schumacher, Gijs and Elmelund-Præstekær, Christian},
	month = mar,
	year = {2018},
	note = {Publisher: Routledge},
	keywords = {Party positions, candidates, electoral performance, intra-party politics, intra-party unity},
	pages = {329--349},
}

Are politicians more likely to disagree with their party after an electoral defeat or during a spell in opposition? If so, are they likely to advocate a more moderate or a more radical position than their party? In order to evaluate this, the article analyses the absolute distance between candidates for parliament and their parties on the left–right dimension. The sample used consists of 5614 politicians from 11 countries (Comparative Candidate Survey). Controlling for party system differences and individual characteristics, the results demonstrate that politicians take more moderate positions than their party after an electoral defeat. Also politicians of government parties are surprisingly more likely to disagree than politicians of opposition parties. These results overlap with predictions of party position shifts and inform the discussion on how intra-party dynamics bring about changes in party position. In addition, the article finds evidence of loss aversion, and differences in the responsiveness of elite and non-elite candidates.

@article{chiru_cheap_2018,
	title = {Cheap {Talk} or {Proper} {Signaling}? {Styles} of {Campaigning} and {Engagement} in {Constituency} {Service}},
	volume = {99},
	issn = {00384941},
	url = {http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/ssqu.12404},
	doi = {10.1111/ssqu.12404},
	abstract = {Objectives Although a salient component of parliamentary delegation and accountability chains, the connection between individual campaigning and parliamentary behavior has not been measured systematically by empirical research. This study assesses the importance of campaign strategies and activities for constituency service. Methods We draw on an original data set combining the responses of 234 members of Parliament (MPs) participating at the 2010 Hungarian Candidate Study with their subsequent parliamentary questions. We content analyzed the questions and ran negative binomial regressions to evaluate if and how campaign activities influenced the MPs to introduce locally‐oriented questions. Results Our analyses show that a form of campaign socialization, the time devoted to meet local activists during campaigns, is a key predictor for the likelihood of introducing constituency questions, whereas campaign norms and messages matter less. Conclusions Ultimately, even though campaigns matter for constituency service, the MPs’ shadowing behavior, their socialization in local politics, and their partisan affiliation is likely to matter more.},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2019-05-04},
	journal = {Social Science Quarterly},
	author = {Chiru, Mihail},
	month = mar,
	year = {2018},
	pages = {283--295},
}

Objectives Although a salient component of parliamentary delegation and accountability chains, the connection between individual campaigning and parliamentary behavior has not been measured systematically by empirical research. This study assesses the importance of campaign strategies and activities for constituency service. Methods We draw on an original data set combining the responses of 234 members of Parliament (MPs) participating at the 2010 Hungarian Candidate Study with their subsequent parliamentary questions. We content analyzed the questions and ran negative binomial regressions to evaluate if and how campaign activities influenced the MPs to introduce locally‐oriented questions. Results Our analyses show that a form of campaign socialization, the time devoted to meet local activists during campaigns, is a key predictor for the likelihood of introducing constituency questions, whereas campaign norms and messages matter less. Conclusions Ultimately, even though campaigns matter for constituency service, the MPs’ shadowing behavior, their socialization in local politics, and their partisan affiliation is likely to matter more.

@article{Stavrakakis2017,
	title = {A new populism index at work: identifying populist candidates and parties in the contemporary {Greek} context},
	volume = {18},
	issn = {2374-5118},
	url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/23745118.2016.1261434},
	doi = {10.1080/23745118.2016.1261434},
	abstract = {Interrogating available indexes from a discourse-theoretical point of view, this paper utilizes a reformulated populism index in order to identify populist parties. In particular, the index is applied in a candidate survey carried out in Greece in 2015. Findings indicate that this index allows for a clear differentiation between populist and non-populist parties. Based on candidate attitudes, SYRIZA and ANEL belong to the first group whereas New Democracy, PASOK and River to the second. The examination of additional survey items reveals a clear ideological division within the populist camp: right-wing populism is exclusionary, while left-wing populism more inclusive and pluralist.},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2018-01-16},
	journal = {European Politics and Society},
	author = {Stavrakakis, Yannis and Andreadis, Ioannis and Katsambekis, Giorgos},
	month = nov,
	year = {2017},
	note = {Publisher: Routledge},
	keywords = {Candidates, Greece, discourse, populism, surveys},
	pages = {446--464},
}

Interrogating available indexes from a discourse-theoretical point of view, this paper utilizes a reformulated populism index in order to identify populist parties. In particular, the index is applied in a candidate survey carried out in Greece in 2015. Findings indicate that this index allows for a clear differentiation between populist and non-populist parties. Based on candidate attitudes, SYRIZA and ANEL belong to the first group whereas New Democracy, PASOK and River to the second. The examination of additional survey items reveals a clear ideological division within the populist camp: right-wing populism is exclusionary, while left-wing populism more inclusive and pluralist.

@book{Freire2016,
	title = {Political {Representation} in {Times} of {Bailout}},
	isbn = {978-1-315-67526-8},
	url = {https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/9781315675268},
	abstract = {Since 2008 many European states have experienced significant challenges in adapting to austerity, and political actors within these states have made significant changes in their discourses and practices. This book explores the short-term impact of the sovereign debt crisis on aspects of political representation in Greece and Portugal, two of the countries that have been the most severely affected. It provides the most systematic examination to date of the attitudinal change of voters and elites regarding participation and representation, and of the legitimacy of the political system in two of the bailed-out Eurozone states. By examining the congruence between elites and voters, the shift in the patterns of competition, and the position of both citizens and representatives on the main issues, the studies contribute towards a reassessment of the validity of the responsible party model and of theories about democratic accountability. By relying on original mass and elite surveys conducted both before and after the bailouts, the volume helps us understand how the EU/IMF intervention has affected partisan alignments in Greece and Portugal, as well as the differences and similarities in the way political elites and civil society have adapted to severe austerity. This book was originally published as a special issue of South European Society \& Politics.},
	urldate = {2019-05-07},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	editor = {Freire, André and Lisi, Marco and Andreadis, Ioannis and Leite, José Manuel},
	month = oct,
	year = {2017},
	doi = {10.4324/9781315675268},
}

Since 2008 many European states have experienced significant challenges in adapting to austerity, and political actors within these states have made significant changes in their discourses and practices. This book explores the short-term impact of the sovereign debt crisis on aspects of political representation in Greece and Portugal, two of the countries that have been the most severely affected. It provides the most systematic examination to date of the attitudinal change of voters and elites regarding participation and representation, and of the legitimacy of the political system in two of the bailed-out Eurozone states. By examining the congruence between elites and voters, the shift in the patterns of competition, and the position of both citizens and representatives on the main issues, the studies contribute towards a reassessment of the validity of the responsible party model and of theories about democratic accountability. By relying on original mass and elite surveys conducted both before and after the bailouts, the volume helps us understand how the EU/IMF intervention has affected partisan alignments in Greece and Portugal, as well as the differences and similarities in the way political elites and civil society have adapted to severe austerity. This book was originally published as a special issue of South European Society & Politics.

@article{lloren_gendered_2017,
	title = {Gendered policy preferences? {Candidates}’ views on political issues in a comparative perspective},
	volume = {15},
	url = {http://link.springer.com/10.1057/cep.2015.4},
	doi = {10.1057/cep.2015.4},
	abstract = {This article examines whether gender affects candidates’ position on the economic and cultural dimensions of political competition in nine West European countries. Using data from the Comparative Candidate Survey, we find that female candidates hold, on average, more liberal views than their male party colleagues. These gender differences vary according to the nature of issues. Female candidates are more liberal than their party colleagues on the cultural dimension, but we find no systematic differences in policy preferences on economic issues. Moreover, gender differences vary according to parties’ ideological position on the left–right scale with a more pronounced gender gap in right-wing parties. Our findings contribute to the literature on female candidates and on the impact of women in politics more broadly.},
	number = {6},
	urldate = {2019-05-07},
	journal = {Comparative European Politics},
	author = {Lloren, Anouk and Rosset, Jan},
	year = {2017},
	pages = {944--968},
}

This article examines whether gender affects candidates’ position on the economic and cultural dimensions of political competition in nine West European countries. Using data from the Comparative Candidate Survey, we find that female candidates hold, on average, more liberal views than their male party colleagues. These gender differences vary according to the nature of issues. Female candidates are more liberal than their party colleagues on the cultural dimension, but we find no systematic differences in policy preferences on economic issues. Moreover, gender differences vary according to parties’ ideological position on the left–right scale with a more pronounced gender gap in right-wing parties. Our findings contribute to the literature on female candidates and on the impact of women in politics more broadly.

@article{Andreadis2017a,
	title = {European {Populist} {Parties} in {Government}: {How} {Well} are {Voters} {Represented}? {Evidence} from {Greece}},
	volume = {23},
	issn = {14247755},
	url = {http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/spsr.12255},
	doi = {10.1111/spsr.12255},
	abstract = {In this paper we focus on the two populist parties, one radical left and one radical right, that have formed a coalition government after the January 2015 elections in Greece: SYRIZA and Independent Greeks (ANEL). Using data from the Greek Candidate Study 2015 and the Greek Voter Study 2015 we study the congruence between party voters and party elites for these two parties, also comparing them with mainstream, non-populist parties. Employing a slightly modified ?many to many' approach, we measure congruence on a variety of issues (economic policy, austerity, Euroscepticism, immigration, law and order) and ideological divides (left/right, populism/anti-populism) in order to assess the factors explaining the paradoxical resilience of Greek populism in power. The evidence generated can help us account for the trajectory of political antagonism in the Greek context throughout 2015 and in drawing some broader conclusions and challenges for future populism research.},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2017-06-07},
	journal = {Swiss Political Science Review},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Stavrakakis, Yannis},
	month = jun,
	year = {2017},
	keywords = {Congruence, Greece, Populism, Representation, Voting behavior},
	pages = {485--508},
}

In this paper we focus on the two populist parties, one radical left and one radical right, that have formed a coalition government after the January 2015 elections in Greece: SYRIZA and Independent Greeks (ANEL). Using data from the Greek Candidate Study 2015 and the Greek Voter Study 2015 we study the congruence between party voters and party elites for these two parties, also comparing them with mainstream, non-populist parties. Employing a slightly modified ?many to many' approach, we measure congruence on a variety of issues (economic policy, austerity, Euroscepticism, immigration, law and order) and ideological divides (left/right, populism/anti-populism) in order to assess the factors explaining the paradoxical resilience of Greek populism in power. The evidence generated can help us account for the trajectory of political antagonism in the Greek context throughout 2015 and in drawing some broader conclusions and challenges for future populism research.

@inproceedings{cross_constituency_2009,
	title = {Constituency {Campaigning} in {Canada}},
	booktitle = {Candidates in {Constituency} {Campaigns} from a {Comparative} {Perspective}},
	author = {Cross, William},
	year = {2009},
}

@inproceedings{Andreadis2008,
	address = {Swansea, UK},
	title = {Characteristics of {Greek} {Parliament} candidates},
	urldate = {2019-05-09},
	booktitle = {58th {Political} {Studies} {Association} {Annual} {Conference} "{Democracy}, {Governance} and {Conflict}: {Dilemmas} of {Theory} and {Practice}"},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Chadjipadelis, Theodore},
	year = {2008},
}

@incollection{zittel_bundestagswahlkampf_2007,
	address = {Wiesbaden},
	title = {Der {Bundestagswahlkampf} von 2005 und {Kollektive} {Repräsentation}: {Ein} kurzer {Auftakt} zum langen {Abschied}?},
	url = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/978-3-531-90536-5_6},
	urldate = {2019-05-09},
	booktitle = {Die {Bundestagswahl} 2005},
	publisher = {VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften},
	author = {Zittel, Thomas and Gschwend, Thomas},
	year = {2007},
	doi = {10.1007/978-3-531-90536-5_6},
	pages = {119--144},
}

@article{zittel_individualisierte_2007,
	title = {Individualisierte {Wahlkämpfe} im {Wahlkreis}. {Eine} {Analyse} am {Beispiel} des {Bundestagswahlkampfes} von 2005},
	volume = {48},
	issn = {0032-3470},
	url = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/s11615-007-0048-z},
	doi = {10.1007/s11615-007-0048-z},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2019-05-09},
	journal = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift},
	author = {Zittel, Thomas and Gschwend, Thomas},
	month = jun,
	year = {2007},
	pages = {293--321},
}

@article{wust_wahlverhalten_2006,
	title = {Wahlverhalten und politische {Repräsentation} von {Migranten}},
	volume = {56},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2019-05-09},
	journal = {Der Bürger im Staat},
	author = {Wüst, A. M.},
	year = {2006},
	pages = {228--234},
}

@article{Wust2006,
	title = {Candidates in the 2005 {Bundestag} election: {Mode} of candidacy, campaigning and issues},
	volume = {15},
	url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/09644000601062576},
	doi = {10.1080/09644000601062576},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2019-05-09},
	journal = {German Politics},
	author = {Wüst, A. M. and Schmitt, H. and Gschwend, T. and Zittel, T.},
	month = dec,
	year = {2006},
	pages = {420--438},
}

@incollection{zittel_comparative_2006,
	address = {Oxford},
	title = {Comparative {Legislative} {Behavior}},
	booktitle = {Oxford {Handbook} of {Political} {Institutions}},
	publisher = {Oxford: Oxford University Press.},
	author = {Zittel, Thomas},
	editor = {Rod A.W. Rhodes, Sara Binder, Bert Rockman},
	year = {2006},
}